The Success and Failure of the Religious Right, 1970s–2010

Author(s):  
Gillis J. Harp

Chapter 7 explores the successes and failures of what came to be called the Religious Right during the last third of the twentieth century and the early twenty-first century. Evangelical Protestantism contributed significantly to the moralism of the movement while lending apparent biblical sanction to already well-established conservative political positions such as limited government and free market economics. Participants in the Religious Right drew selectively from theologians such as Rousas John Rushdoony and Francis Schaeffer, but a nontheological pragmatism ultimately came to characterize the movement under television evangelists Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson. With the election of Barack Obama in 2008, the emergence of the Tea Party movement confirmed how conventional conservative concerns about deficits and creeping socialism had successfully displaced ethical issues. This nontheological pragmatism can help explain the high levels of support for Donald Trump’s 2016 candidacy by white evangelicals.

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Janez Drobnic ◽  
Jani Toros ◽  
Lidija Weis

Introduction. Ethical conduct emerges as a topic of discussion especially when conflicts arise between people, which cannot be resolved by regulation because of new circumstances and situations, or when legal norms prove insufficient or are disregarded, therefore leading to ethically unacceptable practices. Ethical issues of this kind are now at the forefront of social treatment, mainly because modern management practices have become increasingly problematic, areas of activity are expanding, and businesses and other forms of activity are increasingly under ethical pressures from multiple stakeholders. According, ethical behaviour is becoming a global issue and a pressing topic both in general and professional discussions; scientific analysis is therefore extremely relevant. Aim and tasks. This article’s aim is to study the ethical principles and morally ethical problems that arise in various business environments, such as medical, technical, legal, and commercial, as well as in sectors, including state, non-governmental, and private markets. It also explores ethical bases change over time and depending on social flows. Undoubtedly, stakeholders are interested in such ethics-based governance, which means that ethical issues should be effectively put into practice. The study identifies the key paradigms of how different sectors operate and what issues arise. Results. The diachronic study finds that there was almost no interest in studying business ethics over the last century. The beginning of the 21st century saw strong increase in interest regarding these issues, as evidenced by the number of studies and analyses, the introduction of ethical business courses, and other ethical issues. Hyperconnected modern society is increasingly globally interdependent, wherefore interest in the appropriate culture and ethics of action is increasing with the aim of reducing risks and conflicts. Nongovernmental organizations increasingly involved in these processes, develop their business practices of responsibility and care for vulnerable groups and the environment. They have indirectly become a strong factor in leveraging for the ethical conduct of free market operators as well as state/public institutions. Conclusions. The existing studies identified seven key ethical paradigms that emerge in the operation of non-governmental, state, and market sectors, differing in key two dimensions: the first extends from emphasizing community (communitarianism) to exposing individuality, and the second from self-orientation (egocentricity) to a focus on the other (sociocentricity). On this basis, an array of various approaches to ethics can emerge, providing for useful tools for the professional analysis of business practices, as well as to assist stakeholders in introducing better business at all levels.


Author(s):  
Robert Wuthnow

This chapter discusses the emergence of the New Christian Right or simply the Religious Right as a powerful new force in American politics. The rise of the Religious Right has been examined from all angles, and several key factors have been identified. It clearly depended on leadership. The most visible leaders were preacher Jerry Falwell, whose Moral Majority rallies at state capitals had been gaining attention in the late 1970s, and fellow televangelist Pat Robertson, whose popular 700 Club television program included discussions of social and moral topics. Both were canny entrepreneurs who knew how to attract media attention, and there were conservative political operatives eager to enlist their support. There were unifying issues as well, such as opposition to abortion, homosexuality, and promiscuity, and the more general sense that religion was under siege by secularity and humanism. And there were lingering divisions within Protestant denominations and among Catholics over such issues as social activism, the legacies of the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War, communism, gender equality, the ordination of women, and theology.


2020 ◽  
pp. 26-52
Author(s):  
Lauren R. Kerby

This chapter explores how white evangelicals come to imagine themselves as heirs to the American founding fathers, and how they find material evidence to support their claims about the nation’s Christian heritage at key sites in Washington, D.C. It discusses Christian tourists’ experiences at the U.S. Capitol, the National Archives, and the Library of Congress, and the stories they tell about George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and other famous white men they depict as proto-evangelical Christians. This chapter also introduces the Christian heritage industry, including early proponents such as Jerry Falwell Sr. and more recent advocates such as David Barton. It argues that white evangelicals employ a nostalgic view of the American past to justify their participation in politics and their efforts to impose their moral code on the nation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-51
Author(s):  
Stacy M. K. George

Scholars have noted the variety of ideological and religious perspectives present in the Tea Party movement. This study addresses why both religious and nonreligious individuals may be involved in the Tea Party despite its cultural connection to ‘traditional’ conservative Christianity. The article explores Tea Party participation and commitment, arguing that group membership is sustained by the party’s ability to create interaction rituals reflective of Christian culture as an acknowledgement of American Christian values. The Tea Party frames its ideology as sacred, thereby establishing group commitment and cohesion. As a result, it is capable of attracting constituents from inside and outside of the Religious Right. By validating the experiences of others and creating a system of interdependency, the Tea Party has the potential to create group solidarity leading to collective action and exceptional political influence.


Author(s):  
Rebecca Barrett-Fox

This chapter identifies the doctrines that are central to conservative American Christians’ interpretation of biblical texts. Such believers view their scriptures as inerrant, literal, divinely inspired, authoritative, easily understood, internally consistent, and coherent, a vision of the Bible that does not necessarily lead to conservative social and political views, even as those conservative Christians who participate in conservative politics insist that it must. Those who use conservative faith to justify conservative politics form the Religious Right, which seeks to form a “Bible-based” America, one in which a limited government promotes a strong international presence, free-market capitalism, and individual liberty. This chapter traces how the Religious Right promotes the Bible as the root of American law, a hierarchy that allows them to argue that all those in the United States, not merely conservative Christians, are under the authority of the Bible, creating a mandate for Christians to seek and maintain power.


Horizons ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-340
Author(s):  
Daniel R. Dileo

This article seeks to fill a gap in Catholic literature by reflecting on the extent to which the Tea Party movement can be understood as consistent with Gaudium et Spes (GS). First, the article provides an overview of the Tea Party movement and its core ideological principles: intense individualism, emphasis on negative human rights, limited government, fiscal responsibility, low taxes, and laissez-faire capitalism. Next, the article offers a brief description of the contextual and ecclesial background of GS and reviews its key themes. The article then assesses the extent to which the ideological principles of the Tea Party movement are supported by GS, concluding that although there are points of partial resonance between the ideology of the Tea Party and GS, the former is largely inconsistent with the vision outlined and articulated by the latter.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 581-597 ◽  
Author(s):  
SIMON P. NEWMAN

Commentators noted the role of the religious right in the re-election of President George W. Bush in 2004. This essay suggests that such assessments are ahistorical and flawed, and illustrates the ways in which evangelical Protestantism has shaped American political life. Examples of the intersection of religion and politics include Jefferson's election in 1800, John Brown's trial and execution, Abraham Lincoln's Civil War leadership and William Jennings Bryan's radical democratic politics. The essay concludes by arguing that if American-studies teaching and research marginalizes religion it fails to comprehend a vital component of American society and culture.


Author(s):  
Robert Wuthnow

Tracing the intersection of religion, race, and power in Texas from Reconstruction through the rise of the Religious Right and the failed presidential bid of Governor Rick Perry, this book illuminates American history since the Civil War in new ways, demonstrating that Texas's story is also America's. In particular, the book shows how distinctions between “us” and “them” are perpetuated and why they are so often shaped by religion and politics. Early settlers called Texas a rough country. Surviving there necessitated defining evil, fighting it, and building institutions in the hope of advancing civilization. Religion played a decisive role. Today, more evangelical Protestants live in Texas than in any other state. They have influenced every presidential election for fifty years, mobilized powerful efforts against abortion and same-sex marriage, and been a driving force in the Tea Party movement. And religion has always been complicated by race and ethnicity. The book tells the stories of ordinary men and women who struggled with the conditions they faced, conformed to the customs they knew, and on occasion emerged as powerful national leaders. We see the lasting imprint of slavery, public executions, Jim Crow segregation, and resentment against the federal government. We also observe courageous efforts to care for the sick, combat lynching, provide for the poor, welcome new immigrants, and uphold liberty of conscience.


Author(s):  
Landon R. Y. Storrs

This concluding chapter argues that the civil servants described here saw themselves as defenders, not betrayers, of fundamental American values such as egalitarianism and democracy. Not only does acknowledging their presence in the Roosevelt and Truman administrations yield a more accurate history, but a broader understanding of how the right misrepresented and curtailed their influence may contribute to a more informed political discourse. Indeed, correcting the historical record seems especially important now, in the early twenty-first century, when conservatives have returned to arguing that goals such as a more equitable distribution of wealth are alien to the American tradition and to demonizing any deviation from free-market economic policy as socialistic.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (02) ◽  
pp. 245-250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan T. Gervais ◽  
Irwin L. Morris

AbstractIn the summer of 2010, 52 Republican members of the US House of Representatives joined the newly formed Tea Party Caucus, bringing the first institutional voice to the Tea Party movement. To understand both thepolicyorientations of the organized Tea Party (in its caucus manifestation) and the institutional strength of the caucus's membership, we assess the extent to which caucus members are distinctive from their fellow Republicans in the US House of Representatives. Our results suggest that membership in the caucus is primarily driven by ideology and economics. Specifically, we find that Tea Party Caucus members are Republicans who are ideologically oriented toward limited government and lower taxes and who hail from particularly prosperous congressional districts. We find no evidence that Tea Party Caucus members serve safer districts or have greater seniority or institutional stature than their Republican colleagues who are not members of the caucus. These findings, we believe, speak not only to the nature and orientations of the Tea Party Caucus, but to the wider Tea Party movement itself.


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