Shewing how Colonel Osborne Went to Nuncombe Putney

Author(s):  
Anthony Trollope
Keyword(s):  

COLONEL OSBORNE was expected at Nuncombe Putney on the Friday, and it was Thursday evening before either Mrs. Stanbury or Priscilla was told of his coming. Emily had argued the matter with Nora, declaring that she would make the communication herself, and that she would...

1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-101 ◽  
Author(s):  
Archdeacon Carpenter
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 97 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 5-5
Author(s):  
Landon Marks ◽  
Brandi Karisch ◽  
Cobie Rutherford ◽  
Jane A Parish

Abstract The objectives of this cattle AI school were to provide producer education in cattle reproductive management, semen handling, and insemination technique. The school is unique from other AI training programs in that it consisted of 7 hours of classroom training in economics, reproductive anatomy, estrous cycle, estrus synchronization, estrus detection, AI equipment, nutrition, sire selection, herd health, and biosecurity in relation to AI. Instructors were Mississippi State University (MSU) and Auburn University (AU) faculty and Extension agents with expertise in each subject area. Hands-on laboratory handling of bovine female reproductive tracts was provided as part of this initial classroom instruction. The program included a minimum of 8 hours of hands-on experience with semen handling and cattle insemination technique. The entire course spans a Thursday evening, Friday morning and afternoon, and Saturday morning and was scheduled twice per year. Overall participant ratings of AI school sessions averaged 4.7 on a 1 to 5 scale, where 1 = poor and 5 = excellent. Changes to the AI school were made over time based on producer feedback from previous course evaluations. The MSU Beef Unit was added as a second location in 2012. The evaluation was updated in 2015 to include a pre-test/post-test, 173 participants have completed a test with a pre-test average of 68.32 ± 13.34 and post-test average of 82.49 ± 10.09 (P < 0.001). A presentation for reproductive equipment was added in 2017. The MSU-ES cattle AI school consistently fills to participant capacity at each offering with waiting lists formed each time for future offerings, indicating a strong demand for this program. School participation has expanded from primarily Mississippi-based attendees to attendee representation from 13 additional states in the program. In excess of 1,052 persons have completed the MSU-ES cattle AI school since its inception.


PMLA ◽  
1958 ◽  
Vol 73 (4-Part1) ◽  
pp. 407-417
Author(s):  
F. W. J. Hemmings

No major French writer in the nineteenth century, with the questionable exception of Baudelaire, had closer and more enduring personal relations with painters than Zola. At the bottom of this was an element of luck: the good fortune that gave him Paul Cézanne as school fellow at Aix. Cézanne is commonly credited with having first tutored Zola in the appreciation of modern art by conducting him round the Salon des Refusés in 1863. It was mainly through Cézanne that Zola first came into direct contact with painters: with Pissarro, who had been a fellow student of Cézanne when the latter was attending the Académie Suisse in 1861; and subsequently with Bazille and Monet who in 1865 were sharing a studio which Cézanne and Pissarro would occasionally visit. Pissarro and Bazille were regular guests at the Thursday evening gatherings that Zola inaugurated when he set up house with his future wife in 1866. A series of staccato, memory-laden notes, put on paper twenty years later, recall the atmosphere of those days: “A Paris. Nouveaux amis… . Arrivée de Baille et de Cézanne. Nos réunions du jeudi.—Paris à conquérir, promenades, dédain. Les musées … les cafés.” Of the cafés Zola had here in mind, history has preserved the name of one only, the Guerbois, in the Batignolles district. His wife, long after his death, contested the tradition that makes Zola a one-time pillar of this establishment (“a-t-on assez parlé de ce café Guerbois où mon cher mari n'allait presque jamais”), but we are not obliged to see in this declaration more than a misguided attempt to censor what accorded ill with the cherished image of her husband as the respectable, home-loving citizen. Rather, it was the bohemian but unsociable Cézanne whose appearances at the Café Guerbois were infrequent. Zola would have listened here to critics such as Duranty (whom he had seen before, during business hours, at Hachette's) and Philippe Burty, and to a number of painters totally unknown at that time to the wider public—Bazille and Fantin-Latour, Degas, a formidable debater, Monet, rather shyer in argument, Renoir, sceptical and amused at Zola's downrightness, Pissarro, the eldest of them all, the father of a family lodging outside Paris, the Belgian Alfred Stevens, the American Whistler. One of the “regulars” was Antoine Guillemet, a young landscape painter who in 1866 took Zola to visit Manet at his studio. Here the debutant author of La confession de Claude heard from the master the story of his artistic apprenticeship and was able to study the canvases on which he was working. The seeds of a lifelong friendship were sown, the first fruits of which were the special article on Manet which Zola inserted as part of his first Salon in L'Evénement (7 May 1866), and the later study written for the Revue du XIXe Siècle and republished separately as a brochure in 1867.Manet's gratitude for these “remarkable” articles was expressed in two cordial letters and, possibly, in the offer to illustrate a de luxe edition of the Contes à Ninon} This particular project went adrift, but later in the year Zola began sitting for his portrait, which Manet completed in time for the 1868 Salon. Thanks largely to Dau-bigny's intervention, the group of painters later to be known as the Impressionists were well represented in that year's exhibition. Zola reviewed their work in a further series of articles, this time in L'Evénement illustré. Though his expressions were a little more sedate than those he had used in 1866, there was no perceptible slackening in his fervour for Manet (discussed 10 May) or for Pissarro and Monet (19 and 24 May). Cézanne's submissions were, that year as formerly, rejected, so that Zola lacked a pretext to give him critical encouragement even had he wished to. Further proof of Zola's popularity among the so-called Batignolles school is provided by the evidence of two large canvases painted early in 1870, in both of which he features: Bazille's picture of his studio, where Zola is seen chatting to Renoir, and the more formally grouped “Atelier aux Batignolles” by Fantin-Latour.


Author(s):  
Anthony John Harding

This article examines the influence of biblical and classical literature on the works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge. It discusses Coleridge's lifelong immersion in biblical and classical literature, and mentions that Table Talk gives some indication of how frequently and eagerly Coleridge spoke about biblical and classical literature at his Thursday-evening soirées. The article evaluates Coleridge's influence on his younger contemporaries, especially as it relates to how the ancient world was understood and interpreted.


Author(s):  
John G. Rodden

Western Berlin, October 3, 1991. Tag der Einheit: “Unity Day.” The first anniversary celebrating German reunification. Or perhaps “marking” reunification is a more accurate term. No jubilant talk of a New Germany, no flag-waving nearby. My forehead pressed against the cool glass of the third-storey living-room window, I watch a half-dozen skinheads swagger in the street below. “Asylanten Raus!” (“Asylum Seekers Out!”) they chant. “Deutschland den Deutschen!” (“Germany for the Germans!”). Black jeans, jackboots, bomber jackets stabbed with Waffen SS insignias. Dirty blond hair clipped close on the sides, Hitler-style, with a single long forelock. Punk turned political with a vengeance. Waving swastikas, shouting the inevitable yet overwhelming “Sieg Heil!” they’re heading toward the Breitscheidplatz, West Berlin’s central square. Behind me, the Thursday evening news. The sparkle of holiday fireworks gives way to the explosion of terror sweeping across the country. Shelters for asylum seekers torched in Karlsruhe in the southwest and Dusseldorf in the northwest. On the island of Rügen, in the Baltic, a dormitory for refugees razed and incinerated; two Lebanese children severely burned. A hostel for foreigners firebombed in Bremen. “. . . at least 16 racist assaults within 48 hours, bringing the number of attacks to 1,387 since the beginning of the year: the worst outbreak of violence since Hitler’s Germany.” The right-wing German People’s Party, which has just captured an alarming six seats in Bremen’s local elections, does not denounce the violence; its spokesman instead urges immediate restrictions on immigration. A conservative minister pitches Prime Minister Kohl’s proposal to push through a constitutional amendment curbing Germany’s liberal provisions for asylum, which have already opened the doors to more than 1.3 million foreigners since 1989. An interview with historian Golo Mann: “It’s 1933 again.” But dinner is ready. Wolfgang, 44, a wissenschaftlicher Assistent (lecturer) in sociology at the Free University of Berlin, joins me at the window. He takes a long drag of his cigarette. “The Hitler Youth of the ’90s,” Wolfgang says. “German Unity!?! Who knows what this ‘new Germany’ will lead to?” He turns his back on the receding parade of young faschos.


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