WPS and Women’s Roles in Conflict-Prevention

2018 ◽  
pp. 474-488
Author(s):  
Nicole George
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Women's Roles ◽  
Conflict Prevention ◽  
Women's Agency ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
History Of ◽  
Prevention Activities ◽  
Experiences Of Women ◽  
Island Territory

This chapter examines the history of women’s conflict in Bougainville, an island territory that was plunged into conflict for a ten-year period in the late 1980s. Women’s conflict-prevention activities were influential at a range of levels and generated a broader momentum for peace in the territory, which has been widely recognized and celebrated. But the gendered continuities and ruptures that have become evident as Bougainville has transitioned from conflict to peace indicate the difficulties women have had in the longer-term in challenging the broader architecture of entitlement that shapes and restricts debate on post-conflict governance in Bougainville. The experiences of women in this conflict context are instructive, showing how a focus on women’s agency in peace-building can create opportunities for women in some areas of public and political life, but constrain their capacity to challenge restrictive or discriminatory gendered practices in others.

WPS, Gender, and Disabilities

2018 ◽  
pp. 617-627
Author(s):  
Deborah Stienstra
Keyword(s):  
Peace Building ◽  
Women With Disabilities ◽  
Conflict Processes ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Participation Of Women ◽  
Full Participation ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Predominant Factor ◽  
Experiences Of Women

One of the key gaps, in the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) is found at the intersections of women and disability. This chapter demonstrates that women and girls with disabilities are disproportionately vulnerable to violence in conflicts and remain invisible and excluded from most post-conflict processes, including peace-building. Resolution 1325 provides a significant opportunity to ensure the full participation of women with disabilities in peace-building and post-conflict transitions. The normative framework adopted in the 2015 Global Study on the implementation of 1325 is an intersectional approach. Yet, the type of intersectionality adopted is a “gender-first” approach. As the chapter argues, in relation to Canadian foreign and development policies (2017), a gender-first approach assumes that gender is the predominant factor and deals with other intersecting power relations in this context, which often obscures the unique experiences of women with disabilities. Thus, this chapter concludes that implementing an intersectional approach to WPS in practice requires the support and participation of women with disabilities to ensure that their specific needs are acknowledged and institutionalized.

scholarly journals Can women benefit from war? Women’s agency in conflict and post-conflict societies

2020 ◽  
pp. 002234332090561 ◽  
Author(s):  
Punam Yadav
Keyword(s):  
Women Politicians ◽  
Structural Changes ◽  
Women's Agency ◽  
Group Discussions ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace And Conflict Studies ◽  
Peace And Conflict ◽  
Agents Of Change ◽  
Women’S Agency ◽  
Experiences Of Women

Women’s agency in Peace and Conflict Studies has received increased policy attention since the formulation of UN Security Council Resolution in 2000. Academic attention regarding this question has, as a result, also increased dramatically in the intervening period. Women today, as a consequence, are not just seen as victims of conflict, but also as agents of change. Despite their vulnerabilities in the situations created by conflict, women may be exposed to new knowledge and opportunities, which may have positive impacts on their lives. Therefore, it is important to recognize the lived realities and the multiple stories of postwar societies to address the new needs of people and build a sustainable peace. This article examines the everyday lives of women in post-conflict Nepal to demonstrate the significant transformations that have taken place since the war. It specifically investigates conflict-induced social and structural changes through the lived experiences of women tempo drivers, war widows, women ex-combatants and women politicians. This article is based on the analysis of 200 interviews and six focus group discussions (FGDs) carried out over a period of 12 years in seven districts of Nepal.

scholarly journals Education Between “Peace” and “Justice” in Times of Armed Conflict and Reconciliation – the Colombian Case

2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus D. Meier ◽  
Manuel Páez
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Peace And Justice ◽  
History Of ◽  
Educational Requirements ◽  
Theoretical Considerations ◽  
Education For Peace

This article deals with the role of education for peace building in the context of the Colombian post-conflict. It locates the former in the context of pragmatist and legalist approaches to post-conflict phases and analyses its “buffer role” between the two. A brief introduction to the history of the Colombian conflict is followed by theoretical considerations about educational aspects of the armed conflict and the educational requirements for successful “phases of transition”. The problem of the fragile balance between “supporting the victim” and “reintegrating the victimizer” is seen as a systemic challenge to the community, but also to society at large. Conclusively, the problem of “pedagogical stagings” is discussed in this context. 

scholarly journals Local Women's Agency In Peace Building: A Study on the Conflict of Iron Sand Mining In East Java

ULUMUNA ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-154
Author(s):  
Asnawan Asnawan
Keyword(s):  
Academic Discourse ◽  
Conflict Situation ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Sand Mining ◽  
Women's Agency ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Family ◽  
Women’S Agency ◽  
Conflict Period

The local women as the agent in peace building are rare to be addressed in academic discourse. This paper seeks to analyse the roles played by local women in the conflict of iron sand mining in Wotgalih village, Lumajang regency, East Java Province. In the conflict situation, the women have already been as the backbone, carer and guard of the family replacing the roles of the men that do not function optimally. It is very clear how women played those roles by becoming farm laborers in watermelon field along Wotgalih Lumajang beach. In the post-conflict period, the women take an important role in fostering peace. They served as the spearhead for the reconciliation of the related parties.

INFLUENCE OF THE TAX SYSTEM ON POLITICAL LIFE IN THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE KOKAND KHANATE

2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-27
Author(s):  
Ilyoskhon Burhanov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Tax System ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Government

The article begins with writing about the scientists who conducted a study on the history of the Kokand Khanate. The article writes the taxation of the Kokand Khan and raising taxes, people protest against the government of Kokand, as a result it had a significant impact on political life

Between Specters of War and Visions of Peace

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald M. Mara
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Democratic Theory ◽  
First Century ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Frames Of Reference ◽  
War And Peace ◽  
History Of ◽  
Western Democracies

This book examines how ideas of war and peace have functioned as organizing frames of reference within the history of political theory. It interprets ten widely read figures in that history within five thematically focused chapters that pair (in order) Schmitt and Derrida, Aquinas and Machiavelli, Hobbes and Kant, Hegel and Nietzsche, and Thucydides and Plato. The book’s substantive argument is that attempts to establish either war or peace as dominant intellectual perspectives obscure too much of political life. The book argues for a style of political theory committed more to questioning than to closure. It challenges two powerful currents in contemporary political philosophy: the verdict that premodern or metaphysical texts cannot speak to modern and postmodern societies, and the insistence that all forms of political theory be some form of democratic theory. What is offered instead is a nontraditional defense of the tradition and a democratic justification for moving beyond democratic theory. Though the book avoids any attempt to show the immediate relevance of these interpretations to current politics, its impetus stems very much from the current political circumstances. Since the beginning of the twenty-first century , a series of wars has eroded confidence in the progressively peaceful character of international relations; citizens of the Western democracies are being warned repeatedly about the threats posed within a dangerous world. In this turbulent context, democratic citizens must think more critically about the actions their governments undertake. The texts interpreted here are valuable resources for such critical thinking.

Ethnic trust, minority status, and public goods in post-conflict societies

2021 ◽  
pp. 002234332098421
Author(s):  
Sam Whitt
Keyword(s):  
Public Goods ◽  
Public Good ◽  
Intergroup Contact ◽  
Minority Group ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
Minority Status ◽  
The Public ◽  
Attitudes And Behaviors ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
History Of

This study considers how ethnic trust and minority status can impact the ability of ethnic groups to pursue cooperative public goods, focusing on groups with a history of conflict and lingering hostility. A public good experiment between ethnic Albanians and Serbs in postwar Kosovo reveals that subjects contribute far more to a mutually beneficial public good when they are part of an experimentally induced coethnic majority. However, when in the minority, subjects not only underinvest, but many actively divest entirely, privatizing the public good. Majority/minority status also has wide-ranging implications for how individuals relate to real-world public goods and the institutions of government that provide them. Compared to majority Albanians, survey data indicate how minority Serbs in Kosovo express greater safety and security concerns, feel more politically, socially, and economically excluded, are more dissatisfied with civil liberties and human rights protections, and are less likely to participate politically or pay taxes to support public goods. Conflict-related victimization and distrust of out-groups are strong predictors of these minority group attitudes and behaviors. This suggests a mechanism for how conflict amplifies out-group distrust, increasing parochial bias in public good commitments, especially among minorities who are wary of exploitation at the hands of an out-group majority. To restore trust, this study finds that institutional trust and intergroup contact are important to bridging ethnic divides that inhibit public good cooperation.

scholarly journals Fit-for-Purpose Land Administration in Violent Conflict Settings

Land ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 139
Author(s):  
Clarissa Augustinus ◽  
Ombretta Tempra
Keyword(s):  
Transitional Justice ◽  
Democratic Republic ◽  
Democratic Republic Of Congo ◽  
Violent Conflict ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Land Administration ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Conflict Settings ◽  
Displaced People ◽  
Fit For Purpose

According to the United Nations (UN) Refugee Agency, there were 79.5 million forcibly displaced people worldwide by the end of 2019. Evictions from homes and land are often linked to protracted violent conflict. Land administration (LA) can be a small part of UN peace-building programs addressing these conflicts. Through the lens of the UN and seven country cases, the problem being addressed is: what are the key features of fit-for-purpose land administration (FFP LA) in violent conflict contexts? FFP LA involves the same LA elements found in conventional LA and FFP LA, and LA in post conflict contexts, as it supports peace building and conflict resolution. However, in the contexts being examined, FFP LA also has novel features as well, such as extra-legal transitional justice mechanisms to protect people and their land rights and to address historical injustices and the politics of exclusion that are the root causes of conflict. In addition, there are land governance and power relations’ implications, as FFP LA is part of larger UN peace-building programs. This impacts the FFP LA design. The cases discussed are from Darfur/Sudan, Democratic Republic of Congo, Honduras, Iraq, Jubaland/Somalia, Peru and South Sudan.

Bulgarian Turkish Emigration and Return

1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-352 ◽  
Author(s):  
Darina Vasileva
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
Total Population ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
Totalitarian Regime ◽  
Lasting Effect ◽  
History Of

The history of the emigration of Bulgarian Muslim Turks to Turkey is more than a century old. The violation of the human rights of ethnic Turks by the totalitarian regime during the 1980s resulted in the most massive and unpredictable migration wave ever seen in that history. This article examines the complexity of factors and motivations of the 1989 emigration which included almost half of the ethnic Turks living in Bulgaria and constituting until that time 9 percent of the total population. The author considers the strong and long-lasting effect of this emigration—followed by the subsequent return of half of the emigrants after the fall of the regime—both on Bulgaria's economy and on the political life of the society. The article aims also at providing a better understanding of the character of ethnic conflicts in posttotalitarian Eastern Europe.

scholarly journals Sri Lanka: Physical Reconstruction and Economic Development as Conflict Prevention Factors

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (69) ◽  
pp. 55-76
Author(s):  
Boženko Đevoić
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
External Pressure ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Sri Lankan ◽  
Conflict Prevention ◽  
Prevention Measures ◽  
Postconflict Reconstruction ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
The Government

ABSTRACT This article gives an overview of the 26 year long ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka and examines physical reconstruction and economic development as measures of conflict prevention and postconflict reconstruction. During the years of conflict, the Sri Lankan government performed some conflict prevention measures, but most of them caused counter effects, such as the attempt to provide “demilitarization”, which actually increased militarization on both sides, and “political power sharing” that was never honestly executed. Efforts in post-conflict physical reconstruction and economic development, especially after 2009, demonstrate their positive capacity as well as their conflict sensitivity. Although the Sri Lankan government initially had to be forced by international donors to include conflict sensitivity in its projects, more recently this has changed. The government now practices more conflict sensitivity in its planning and execution of physical reconstruction and economic development projects without external pressure.

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