Bonhoeffer and Political Life

Author(s):  
Stephen J. Plant

This chapter begins by describing some of the influences that shaped Bonhoeffer’s political views, narrowly construed, and the central role of Martin Luther’s thought in guiding the direction of those parts of his theology that connect with political life. The chapter continues by exploring how Bonhoeffer attempted to think with and through these sources about the duties and responsibilities of governments and citizens, of the Church, and of the individual Christian in response to the Church struggle and the policies of the Third Reich. What evolved was a reworking of the orders of creation and preservation, a subtle ecology of temporal and spiritual authority under God, and an understanding of reality understood through the incarnation of Christ. This theology funded a steadfast conviction that the Church can and must speak God’s Word to the world, even to the point of standing in the place of the victims of political oppression.

2008 ◽  
Vol 77 (6) ◽  
pp. 388-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francisco López-Muñoz ◽  
Cecilio Alamo ◽  
Pilar García-García ◽  
Juan D. Molina ◽  
Gabriel Rubio

1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 407-423 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael H. Kater

While in recent years a great deal has been written to clarify Germany's medical past, the picture is not yet complete in several important respects. In the realm of the sociology of medicine, for example, we still do not know enough about physicianpatient relationships from, say, the founding of the Second Empire to the present. On the assumption, based on the meager evidence available, that this relationship had an authoritarian structure from the physician on downward, did it have anything to do with the shape of German medicine in the Weimar Republic and, later, the Third Reich? Another relative unknown is the role of Jews in the development of medicine as a profession in Germany. Surely volumes could be written on the significant influence Jews have exerted on medicine in its post-Wilhelmian stages, as well as the irreversible victim status Jewish doctors were forced to assume after Hitler's ascension to power


1996 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-440 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Blaich

German Seventh-day Adventists entered the Nazi era with apprehension. As a foreign sect which resembled Judaism in many respects, Adventists were particularly threatened by a society based on the principle of völkisch racism. Yet the new state also had much to offer them, for it held the prospect of new opportunities for the church. The Nazi state banished the scourge of liberalism and godless Bolshevism, it restored conservative standards in the domestic sphere, and it took effective steps to return German society to a life in harmony with nature—a life Adventists had long championed.


Politeja ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (53) ◽  
pp. 257-270
Author(s):  
Marek Delong

The Position of the Polish Episcopal Conference on the Parliamentary Elections in 1991The purpose of this article is to show the position of the Conference of the Polish Episcopate on the parliamentary elections in 1991. In official pronouncements of the Conference of the Polish Episcopate on this issue, as well as in the statements of individual bishops you can find two common elements. Firstly, noticeable is the identification of the category of the Polish nation, Catholics and society. Hence the belief that the institutions of a democratic state should uphold Christian values and national. Secondly, the Conference of the Polish Episcopate harbored the misconception by unanimity Catholics in Poland in terms of political views. It quickly turned out that the majority of the population does not recognize the role of the Church as the subject of political life. Already in the early nineties, and especially after the parliamentary elections in 1991, there have been numerous discussions on clericalism and anti‑clericalism.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hansini Munasinghe

Research on cross-nativity partnering – relationships between immigrants and non-immigrants – has mainly focused on socioeconomic determinants and outcomes of these unions, and their sociopolitical consequences remain underexplored. Extrapolating existing research reveals how cross-nativity relationships may serve as conduits of resources, knowledge, and connections that facilitate political participation; as spaces of political resocialization, bringing together partners with different experiences and understandings of citizenship; and, alternatively, as a selection mechanism whereby immigrant integration results in cross-nativity relationships among those more likely to participate in politics. Using data from the Current Population Survey (CPS) and linking information about married and cohabiting couples, this study assesses whether cross-nativity partnering is associated with voting. Logistic regression models predicting voting using respondents’ and their partners’ immigrant generation indicate two broad findings. First, having a second or third+ generation partner is positively associated with voting, consistent with theoretical expectations that US-born partners provide resources or signal selection. Second, and more surprisingly, there is small but significant variation in voting among the third+ generation based on their partner’s immigrant generation. This indicates inadequacies in theorizing US-born partners solely as providers, and is more consistent with political resocialization. Importantly, this finding challenges theoretical and empirical assumptions in immigration research about the third+ generation as a static baseline. Overall, this study contributes to expanding scholarly focus beyond the individual to the role of relationships, in particular of spouses and cohabiting partners, in integrating immigrants into political life, and, more broadly, in shaping and contextualizing interactions between the state and its citizens and subjects.


2021 ◽  
Vol 143 (3) ◽  
pp. 50-67
Author(s):  
Henryk Ćwięk

After the defence war in 1939 was lost, the authorities of the Third Reich forced Polish State Police offi cers to serve in the occupier’s security structures in the General Government. This formation was used to implement various activities directed against the Polish nation. The policy of the Nazi authorities varied depending on the existing priorities in this regard. The Germans carried out brutal pacifi cation operations directed mainly against the Jewish population using Polish police. One should not forget about the harmful actions of Polish policemen against Jews. The tragic part of the occupation history of the Polish police was their participation in operations against the resistance movement. Collaboration in the Polish police was a part of this phenomenon in the General Government. The cooperation of Polish policemen with the resistance movement deserves attention. They made a signifi cant contribution to the preparation and implementation of subversive actions as well as the execution of attacks and sentences. They were present on almost all fronts of underground activity. Knowledge of the role of the Polish police in the dark period of the occupation is not satisfactory and requires further research.


1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jill Stephenson

The totalitarian pretensions of the Nazi party's leadership are nowhere better illustrated than in the belief that the entire German people could be “educated” to a sense of service to the Volk, that mythical national community whose sum was allegedly infinitely greater than its parts. Excluded from real power in the state— whatever was claimed about “the unity of party and state”—the party in the Third Reich assumed the role of “spiritual leader” of the community, with the task of reorienting the aspirations of men, women, and children away from the satisfaction of personal desires and ambitions and toward service. Germans were not merely to accept passively the wisdom of the regime's policies, but were positively to channel their concern and their energy into supporting them. In this way, ran the message, they would find deeper satisfaction than in the pursuit of selfish pleasure.


1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 330-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carole Fink

Germany under the Weimar Republic played the role of champion of minorities in Europe. A combination of revisionist hopes, völkisch arrogance, and humanitarian concern for the fate of lost kin motivated the Minderheitenpolitik of the Reich. Most historians have interpreted this episode as a link between the imperialism of Wilhelmian Germany and that of the Third Reich, a refinement—dictated by weakness—of Berlin's continuing efforts to dominate Eastern Europe.


2006 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 390-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTOPH BUCHHEIM ◽  
JONAS SCHERNER

Private property in the industry of the Third Reich is often considered a mere nominal provision without much substance. However, that is not correct, because firms, despite the rationing and licensing activities of the state, still had ample scope to devise their own production and investment profiles. Even regarding war-related projects, freedom of contract was generally respected; instead of using power, the state offered firms a number of contract options to choose from. There were several motives behind this attitude of the regime, among them the conviction that private property provided important incentives for increasing efficiency.


2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-220
Author(s):  
Steven E. Aschheim

Abstract This article presents an exposition, analysis, and critique of Anson Rabinbach’s historical research and theses as reflected in Staging the Third Reich: Essays in Cultural and Intellectual History (2020), a volume of his essays on Nazism, fascism, antifascism, and the aftermath of these movements in political life, public remembrance, and historiography. The article probes Rabinbach’s particular method and significant contributions to intellectual and cultural history.


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