Giorgio Pisanò — u źródeł neofaszystowskiego rewizjonizmu

The present paper analyses the way Benito Mussolini’s racist policy were interpreted by Giorgio Pisano, a neo-fascist journalist and columnist. According to Pisano, the fascist regime should not be considered racist. Moreover, leggi razziali of 1938 were much milder than the Nuremberg race laws. The neo-fascist journalist tried to argue that Italian fascism did not follow the policy of extermination of Jews and, consequently should not be blamed for the Holocaust. Finally, Pisanò’s rhetoric of national betrayal as applied to anti-fascist resistance movement — whose activity led to the outbreak of the 1943 civil war in Italy — should be considered yet another case for Mussolini’s racist policy affirmation.

Membaca Ekspresi Kontestasi Gerakan Perempuan Melawan Industrialisasi di Kawasan Pegunungan Utara Jawa, Indonesia

This study examines the intertwining of the attributive elements of feminine narrative on social movement in relation to the narration of Gegeran (riot) Samin in the context of industrialization in Kendeng, Central Java. Recent studies accentuated the narration of Saminisme as the history of resistance to colonialism becomes a study of the description of an unpretentious culture that is to be relevant for cultural conservation. Meanwhile, during this tumultuous era of industrialization, the reconstruction of the narrative of Saminism as a resistance movement was again in the spotlight, especially why women seemed dominant in this struggle. This research was conducted in April-May 2016 based on a narrative ethnography approach that is to be more sensitive to the emergence of a story, between textual and contextual data. The question was why there are differences in the articulation of narratives between elements of Sedulur Sikep values in responding to the establishment of cement factory reflected in the different attitudes and expressions. The research concludes that this social movement is intertwined with struggle efforts based on awareness of cultural diversity and socio-economic class movements by elaborating narrative elements from the specific historical narrative as the cyclical mobilization and are constituted using the performative elements of the activities or actions they held

Solving Cases of Historical Justice: How Lithuanians Defended Their Tribe

The article raises the problem of the distinction between the law and laws arising from changes in legal order or other fundamental social changes. The legal doctrine and case-law relating to cases of historical (transit) justice are examined in the context of the examples of Germany and Lithuania. Under investigation is the model of punishment of persons who collaborated with Soviet occupiers and contributed to the elimination of participants of the resistance movement, implemented in Lithuania, revealing the factors influencing the change in this model.

Analysing Israel-Hamas Conflict Based on Game Theory Approach

ABSTRACT The Islamic Resistance Movement (AKA: Hamas) has taken control over Gaza Strip, Palestine, in 2007. Since then, the organization was in a continues hit-run conflict against the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF). The conflict is very resistant to any sort of resolution, and Hamas and Israel engage frequently in what it seems an endless cycle of resentment and violence. Despite numerous mediations by global and regional powers, this conflict appears to be further away than ever. This particular conflict can’t be addressed according to the common negotiation theories that based on rationality and hard politics, which seems not that functional. Instead, a model based on the game theory approach is presented in this study to explain this phenomenon. In this work, some facts about Israel - Hamas regional concerns are explained. Moreover, the study analyses the reasons behind Hamas enforcing calm in Gaza, even though Hamas considers Israel as its arch enemy. The presented model shows that whenever Israel and Hamas reach an agreement, both sides can collaborate in maintaining a state of calm. Moreover, results show that the proposed model is applicable to analyse a conflict in terms of actions, duration and terms of settlement. KEYWORDS: Israel; Israeli-Palestinian conflict; Hamas; Gaza strip; Game theory

Sowieckie ludobójstwo i prawo międzynarodowe. Litewskie zmagania ze zbrodniami ZSRS w świetle orzeczenia Europejskiego Trybunału Praw Człowieka w sprawie Drelingas

The aim of the paper is to analyze the endeavors undertaken by the authorities of independent Lithuania to deal with the crimes committed by the Soviet Union against Lithuanian society, in particular against representatives of the anti-Soviet resistance movement, by using the notion of crime of genocide rooted in international law. The judgment of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Drelingas v. Lithuania of 12 March 2019, which approved the legality of the qualification of “ethno-national-political” genocide of “forest brethren” committed by the Soviet occupation authorities, was one of the key elements confirming the Lithuanian policy in this regard. This ruling reopens the discussion on the possibility of trying the crimes of the Soviet Union, at the same time raising certain legal and political doubts – as generally expressed by the Russian Federation.

Druga wojna światowa na obszarze Międzymorza

This article describes the course of World War II in the Intermarium region in relation both to the national policies of several countries and to the resistance movement organized by the communities opposing the Soviets as well as German domination. The first phase of events takes place in the period from September 1939 to the German invasion of the USSR; the second phase lasts until the end of the war and launches the partisan actions inspired by communist organizations on behalf of the Communist International (Comintern). The aim of the partisans’ actions was the resistance to the domination of the Third Reich and Italy achieved through diversions at the rear of the armies of the Axis powers. At the same time the Soviets’ joining the alliance results in treaties of the Big Three (The USA, Great Britain and the Soviet Union) establishing the political order for Europe after the end of WWII, particularly the subjugation of Intermarium countries by the Soviet domination.

Hizbullah's Changing Identity

<p>Hizbullah’s initial entry into Lebanon’s confessional political system seems contradictory considering the organisation’s perpetual view that this electoral system is corrupt and the very cause of Lebanon’s problems. Hizbullah views this system to have disenfranchised the Shi’a of Lebanon. Since its emergence in the 1980s Hizbullah has shifted from the religiously motivated goal of an Islamic revolution in Lebanon to the more nationalistic and secular project of providing ongoing resistance to Israel. This movement can be explained if we consider two separate facets of Hizbullah’s identity: It’s primordial Shi’a identity, and its identity as a resistance movement. A movement from the former to the latter has taken place. This work argues that Hizbullah has moved away from placing importance on that which defined it primarily as an organisation seeking the advancement of Shi’a to an identity that places more emphasise on its resistance activities against Israel. This latter identity is more instrumentalist in nature. While placing importance on its Shi’a identity was not counter-productive to participating within politics, it did oblige Hizbullah to adopt more idealistic political projects. Therefore, this shift initially allowed Hizbullah to deal more effectively with the pragmatic realities of political life in Lebanon, for which it requires more broad-based cross-communal support. However, recent events in the Middle East have indicated that Hizbullah’s resistance identity may not necessarily guarantee it political success.</p>

Hizbullah's Changing Identity

<p>Hizbullah’s initial entry into Lebanon’s confessional political system seems contradictory considering the organisation’s perpetual view that this electoral system is corrupt and the very cause of Lebanon’s problems. Hizbullah views this system to have disenfranchised the Shi’a of Lebanon. Since its emergence in the 1980s Hizbullah has shifted from the religiously motivated goal of an Islamic revolution in Lebanon to the more nationalistic and secular project of providing ongoing resistance to Israel. This movement can be explained if we consider two separate facets of Hizbullah’s identity: It’s primordial Shi’a identity, and its identity as a resistance movement. A movement from the former to the latter has taken place. This work argues that Hizbullah has moved away from placing importance on that which defined it primarily as an organisation seeking the advancement of Shi’a to an identity that places more emphasise on its resistance activities against Israel. This latter identity is more instrumentalist in nature. While placing importance on its Shi’a identity was not counter-productive to participating within politics, it did oblige Hizbullah to adopt more idealistic political projects. Therefore, this shift initially allowed Hizbullah to deal more effectively with the pragmatic realities of political life in Lebanon, for which it requires more broad-based cross-communal support. However, recent events in the Middle East have indicated that Hizbullah’s resistance identity may not necessarily guarantee it political success.</p>

“Pulling the Tail of the Cat”: An Exploration of Palestinian Peacebuilders' Conceptualisations of Men and Masculinities in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

<p>To date, men as gendered beings have largely remained absent from the international literature on armed conflict and peacebuilding. In general, the literature omits men‘s gendered experiences as civilians, non-combatants and peacebuilders and instead, men remain confined by stereotypes of violence, soldiering and war-making. In this thesis, I aim to break these silences by producing a qualitative analysis of discourses of men and masculinities within semi-structured interviews conducted with fourteen Palestinian peacebuilders in the West Bank. This analysis explores the impacts of the ongoing occupation and armed conflict on non-combat related Palestinian masculinities, and further, how men and masculinities are thought to interact with local peacebuilding initiatives. Through the use of feminist critical discourse analysis, this study has uncovered a number of key themes relevant to gender and peacebuilding theory and practice. Firstly, it found that the ongoing conflict has resulted in a 'thwarting' of West Bank masculinities in which men are understood as finding it increasingly difficult to live up to social expectations of their traditional roles and identities. Secondly, this study found that men and masculinities have become somewhat estranged from civil society, informal peacebuilding schemes. Based on my findings, these initiatives seem to centre around feminised narratives that emphasise women's peacebuilding capacities, while masculinities and the peacebuilding roles of men are overlooked. Nevertheless, this thesis also presents the notion that men are actively involved in the nonviolent resistance movement within the West Bank, which opens up room for a novel, alternative understanding of 'masculinised' peacebuilding in Palestine. In sum, this study articulates the need to 'take masculinities seriously' in the pursuit of more inclusive and effective peacebuilding and post-conflict development practice.</p>

“Pulling the Tail of the Cat”: An Exploration of Palestinian Peacebuilders' Conceptualisations of Men and Masculinities in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict

<p>To date, men as gendered beings have largely remained absent from the international literature on armed conflict and peacebuilding. In general, the literature omits men‘s gendered experiences as civilians, non-combatants and peacebuilders and instead, men remain confined by stereotypes of violence, soldiering and war-making. In this thesis, I aim to break these silences by producing a qualitative analysis of discourses of men and masculinities within semi-structured interviews conducted with fourteen Palestinian peacebuilders in the West Bank. This analysis explores the impacts of the ongoing occupation and armed conflict on non-combat related Palestinian masculinities, and further, how men and masculinities are thought to interact with local peacebuilding initiatives. Through the use of feminist critical discourse analysis, this study has uncovered a number of key themes relevant to gender and peacebuilding theory and practice. Firstly, it found that the ongoing conflict has resulted in a 'thwarting' of West Bank masculinities in which men are understood as finding it increasingly difficult to live up to social expectations of their traditional roles and identities. Secondly, this study found that men and masculinities have become somewhat estranged from civil society, informal peacebuilding schemes. Based on my findings, these initiatives seem to centre around feminised narratives that emphasise women's peacebuilding capacities, while masculinities and the peacebuilding roles of men are overlooked. Nevertheless, this thesis also presents the notion that men are actively involved in the nonviolent resistance movement within the West Bank, which opens up room for a novel, alternative understanding of 'masculinised' peacebuilding in Palestine. In sum, this study articulates the need to 'take masculinities seriously' in the pursuit of more inclusive and effective peacebuilding and post-conflict development practice.</p>