The Soviet Union, the Third World and Southern Africa

1989 ◽  
Vol 88 (353) ◽  
pp. 609-610
Author(s):  
DOUGLAS G. ANGLIN
1989 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ben L. Martin

The Approach of the Reagan Administration towards the Third World was criticised as too simply anti-communist: a growing ‘predisposition toward globalism’,1 so it was claimed, led to a ‘Sovietcentric orientation’,2 an ‘obsession with the Soviet Union’,3 which obscured regional complexities.4 But American decisions about what actions to take in Southern Africa during the 1980s were part of a surprisingly effective strategy that often ignored Reagan's doctrine of aid to anti-communist resistance. That strategy was shaped by several hands, and the President's were not even the most important.


1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 708
Author(s):  
Deborah Anne Palmieri ◽  
E. J. Feuchtwanger ◽  
Peter Nailor

2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 99-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Laron

This article shows that for two years prior to the June 1967 Six-Day Mideast War, Soviet-Egyptian relations had begun to fray because the Soviet Union wanted to loosen its ties with radical regimes in the Third World, including Gamal Abdel Nasser's Egypt. Soviet leaders urged Nasser to reform the Egyptian economy, decrease Egypt's military involvement in Yemen, and allow the Soviet Navy unfettered access to Egyptian ports. But like numerous other small powers during the Cold War, Egypt was able to fend off the pressure of its superpower ally. In May 1967, when Egypt unilaterally decided to bring its forces into the Sinai, Soviet leaders were divided over how to respond to the crisis that engulfed the Middle East. In the end, the more cautious faction in Moscow prevailed, and the Soviet government continued to be wary of becoming embroiled in conflicts initiated by radical Third World regimes.


Author(s):  
Gregg A. Brazinsky

Winning the Third World examines afresh the intense and enduring rivalry between the United States and China during the Cold War. Gregg A. Brazinsky shows how both nations fought vigorously to establish their influence in newly independent African and Asian countries. By playing a leadership role in Asia and Africa, China hoped to regain its status in world affairs, but Americans feared that China's history as a nonwhite, anticolonial nation would make it an even more dangerous threat in the postcolonial world than the Soviet Union. Drawing on a broad array of new archival materials from China and the United States, Brazinsky demonstrates that disrupting China's efforts to elevate its stature became an important motive behind Washington's use of both hard and soft power in the "Global South."


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