East-West Rivalry in the Third World: Security Issues and Regional Perspectives. Edited by Robert W. Clawson (Wilmington: Scholarly Resources, 1986. xxv, 348p. $39.00). - The Soviet Union in the Third World: Threat to World Peace? By Joseph G. Whelan and Michael J. Dixon (Washington: Pergamon-Brassey's, 1986. xlvii, 486p. $27.50).

1988 ◽  
Vol 82 (1) ◽  
pp. 338-339
Author(s):  
Nathaniel Davis
1979 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 391-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Trong R. Chai

An analysis of 344 selected votes in the four major issue areas in the UN General Assembly from 1971 to 1977 examines the question whether China has fulfilled its promise to support the Third World and oppose the superpowers. The findings are: 1) China was much more favorable to the Third World than to the West in this period and more supportive of the developing nations than of the Communist bloc on all except colonial issues; 2) China voted with the Third World more often than with the Communist nations, even when colonial issues were included; 3) China was least friendly to the United States on the majority of issues and in all years; and 4) the Soviet Union was the most anti-China nation in the Communist world, and of the four permanent members of the Security Council, Soviet voting agreement with China was the third lowest on political and security issues in the overall period and was often the lowest on arms control and disarmament. Thus at least within the context of UN voting, China has succeeded in developing its pro-Third World and anti-superpower position, particularly on economic and security issues.


1987 ◽  
Vol 102 (3) ◽  
pp. 511
Author(s):  
Raymond L. Garthoff ◽  
Joseph G. Whelan ◽  
Michael J. Dixon

1991 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony G. Pazzanita

Of the dozens of conflicts in the Third World which have occurred in the post-war era, few have been of greater duration and bloodshed or have attracted the attention of as many outside actors, including the superpowers, as Angola. It has only been since the mid-1980s that the conflict began moving towards eventual settlement, with the prospects for peace often seeming to depend largely on the attitudes of Cuba, South Africa, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Further affecting the overall environment was the state of East–West relations, the internal situation in Angola, and South Africa's occupation of Namibia. A short historical background will serve as prelude to an extensive examination of the dynamics which fuelled the war in Angola for such a long period of time.


1982 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 708
Author(s):  
Deborah Anne Palmieri ◽  
E. J. Feuchtwanger ◽  
Peter Nailor

2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 99-118 ◽  
Author(s):  
Guy Laron

This article shows that for two years prior to the June 1967 Six-Day Mideast War, Soviet-Egyptian relations had begun to fray because the Soviet Union wanted to loosen its ties with radical regimes in the Third World, including Gamal Abdel Nasser's Egypt. Soviet leaders urged Nasser to reform the Egyptian economy, decrease Egypt's military involvement in Yemen, and allow the Soviet Navy unfettered access to Egyptian ports. But like numerous other small powers during the Cold War, Egypt was able to fend off the pressure of its superpower ally. In May 1967, when Egypt unilaterally decided to bring its forces into the Sinai, Soviet leaders were divided over how to respond to the crisis that engulfed the Middle East. In the end, the more cautious faction in Moscow prevailed, and the Soviet government continued to be wary of becoming embroiled in conflicts initiated by radical Third World regimes.


Author(s):  
Gregg A. Brazinsky

Winning the Third World examines afresh the intense and enduring rivalry between the United States and China during the Cold War. Gregg A. Brazinsky shows how both nations fought vigorously to establish their influence in newly independent African and Asian countries. By playing a leadership role in Asia and Africa, China hoped to regain its status in world affairs, but Americans feared that China's history as a nonwhite, anticolonial nation would make it an even more dangerous threat in the postcolonial world than the Soviet Union. Drawing on a broad array of new archival materials from China and the United States, Brazinsky demonstrates that disrupting China's efforts to elevate its stature became an important motive behind Washington's use of both hard and soft power in the "Global South."


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