Estranged Pioneers: The Case of African American and Asian American Multiracial Church Pastors

2019 ◽  
Vol 80 (4) ◽  
pp. 456-477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Korie L Edwards ◽  
Rebecca Kim

AbstractThis article draws upon 121 in-depth interviews from the Religious Leadership and Diversity Project (RLDP)—a nationwide study of leadership of multiracial religious organizations in the United States—to examine what it means for African American and Asian American pastors to head multiracial churches. We argue that African American and Asian American pastors of multiracial churches are estranged pioneers. They have to leave the familiar to explore a new way of doing church, but their endeavors are not valued by their home religious communities. African American pastors face challenges to their authenticity as black religious leaders for leading multiracial congregations. Asian American pastors experience a sense of ambiguity that stems from a lack of clarity about what it means for them to lead multiracial congregations as Asian Americans. Yet, despite differences in how they experience this alienation, both are left to navigate a racialized society where they are perceived and treated as inferior to their white peers, which has profound personal and social implications for them.

Author(s):  
Annabel Droussiotis

<p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: justify; margin: 0in 48.1pt 0pt 0.5in; mso-pagination: none;"><span style="font-family: Times New Roman;"><span style="font-size: 10pt; mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">The occupational profile of the various ethnic groups varies in the United States. The occupational stratification is sometimes based on one&rsquo;s ethnicity rather than ability. When interethnic occupational differences are attributed to discrimination the result is inefficiency in the labor market. The purpose of this study is to determine the occupations in which ethnic minorities are dominant and the factors which are most significant in either increasing or reducing this dominance. The data consist of 183 Economic Areas (as defined by the Bureau of Economic Analysis). Explanatory variables reflect educational levels, human capital accumulation, social status, government action, and general area characteristic for each groups. Occupational attributes are used to aggregate all occupations, reflecting prestige and satisfaction levels. African-American, Hispanic-American and Asian-American groups are compared to non-Hispanic whites. Males and females are tested separately. The results show that African American and Hispanic males and females are influenced by similar variables. The level of higher education assists the labor position of African and Hispanic American males reducing interethnic occupational differences. The density of the minority group in the area improves the position of their female counterparts. The Asian American group is very different</span><span style="font-size: 10pt;">.<span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;"></span></span></span></p>


2021 ◽  
pp. 1097184X2110435
Author(s):  
Kelly H Chong ◽  
Nadia Y Kim

Although Asian-descent men in the United States have been subjected to negative race-gender stereotyping and sexual racism, evidence suggests that mainstream perceptions and Asian American men’s self-definitions are in flux. Drawing on in-depth interviews of U.S.-born and -raised, middle-class, heterosexual Asian American men, supplemented by popular media textual analysis, we examine how these men are drawing upon a new form of alternative Asian American masculinity— one that we call “The Model Man”—in order to renegotiate their position within the present hierarchy of romantic preference. “The Model Man,” a hybrid masculinity construction that combines the elements of White hegemonic masculinity and model minority-based “Asian” masculinity, is co-opted and deployed by men as sexual/romantic capital—especially in relation to White women—because it enables the men to present themselves as desirable romantic partners. Although this masculinity strategy contains possibilities for further straitjacketing Asian American men via the model minority stereotype—and for re-inscribing heteronormativity and patriarchy/heterosexism—it may possess an unexpectedly subversive potential in allowing the men to contest their masculinity status and even remap hegemonic American manhood.


Author(s):  
Belinda Robnett

For decades, women in the United States have fought for civil rights. Other than the fight for women’s civil rights, women’s activism in other types of social movements has been largely ignored in textbooks and in the media. Two factors contribute to this neglect. First, historically, women have held differential access to structural and institutional power. Second, with a narrow definition of leadership, researchers focused exclusively on charismatic and formal social movement leaders. However, women served as leaders and participants not only in the Suffrage movement and the second-wave feminist movement but also in the U.S. civil rights movement, the Chican@ movement, the Asian American movement, and the Native American movement. Among the causes, women have fought on the front lines for voting rights; equal employment opportunities; equal pay; desegregated housing, schools, and public facilities; reproductive rights; tribal land rights; cultural and religious preservation; LGBTQ+ rights; criminal justice; welfare rights; universal healthcare; parental leave; environmental justice; and subsidized child care. Women served as formal leaders in women’s movement organizations, and as bridge leaders in mixed-gender groups. As bridge leaders, they fostered ties between the social movement and the community, between strategies (aimed at individual change, identity, and consciousness) and political strategies (aimed at organizational tactics designed to challenge existing relationships with the state and other societal institutions). The African American, Asian American, Native American, and Chicana women’s movements did not emerge after the second-wave feminist movement, which mainly comprised white middle-class women, but simultaneously. In the case of women of color, African American, Latinx, Asian American, and Native American women have struggled for justice and equality on behalf of their specific racial–ethnic groups. Born out of gender inequality within their respective racial–ethnic movement, the activists formulated a multicultural/womanist feminism/womanism that addressed the intersectionality, race–ethnicity, gender, and class dimensions of their lived experiences.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 129-151
Author(s):  
Danielle N. Boaz

Abstract On March 11, 2020, the World Health Organization declared covid-19—the disease caused by the novel coronavirus—a global pandemic. As this coronavirus spread throughout the world, most countries implemented restrictions on public gatherings that greatly limited religious communities’ ability to engage in collective worship. Some religious leaders objected to these regulations, opining that faith would spare their congregants from illness or that their religious freedom is paramount to public health. Meanwhile, growing numbers of covid-19 infections were being traced back to religious leaders or gatherings. This article explores how governments have balanced freedom of worship and public health during the 2020 pandemic. Through the comparison of controversies in South Korea, India, Brazil and the United States, it highlights the paradoxes in debates about whether to hold religious communities accountable for the spread of this highly contagious and deadly disease.


2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 439-468 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Wadsworth

AbstractRecent years have witnessed the rise of a multiracial church (MRC) movement in American evangelicalism. Leaders of this movement articulate a “biblical mandate”-based mission for breaking patterns of racial homogeneity in pursuit of more diverse, egalitarian, and vibrant churches. While participants are passionate about what they see as a powerful racial change effort in their religious communities, they express a variety of orientations about the potential political implications of faith-based MRC-building. Drawing from interview-based research inside MRC settings, I find that most participants are nervously interested in applying their framework to political contexts, while a minority articulates a more politicized justice orientation, and others are confused or actively resistant. The movement's political reluctance is instructive of the understudied dynamics between race and religion, especially in theologically conservative churches. In social capital terms, the “bonding” incentives of MRC settings by definition require difficult kinds of “bridging,” or reaching across deep historical and identity-based differences, in order to create trust-based networks where they have not existed. When successful, however, such networks can open new paths to race-related political engagement.


2000 ◽  
Vol 87 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1059-1064 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin S. Fiebert ◽  
Holly Karamol ◽  
Margo Kasdan

Dating and marriage crossing ethnic, racial, and cultural lines have become increasingly common in the United States. This study examined two aspects, interracial dating behavior and attitudes toward romantic involvement, in four ethnic groups of college students: Euro-American, Latino, Asian-American, and African-American. Subjects (196 men, 367 women) were surveyed with regard to their willingness to be romantically involved interracially or interculturally along with their actual interracial dating experience. Analysis indicated a high willingness in all ethnic groups to be romantically involved as well as an absence of sex difference with regard to both attitude and experience. However, there were differences in both attitude and experience among ethnic groups.


2021 ◽  
Vol 38 (1-2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafiqur Rahman

The United States may be the most racially diverse and religiously pluralistic nation-state today. However, it is also arguably the most societally biased, one where many religious communities are frequently divided along distinct lines predicated upon race, color, ethnicity, and faith tradition. The sociohistorical displacement and dissemination of Islamic power away from indigenous African American Muslims to the newly disembarked post-1965 immigrant Muslims underscore the nascent religio-racial origins of how Islamic identity, membership, community, and consciousness within America has now become unusually conflated with race, culture, and ethnicity within our nation’s social imaginary. That is, what it contextually means to be a Muslim in the United States has now become a highly contested, problematic, and racialized category within American Islam—a segregated Islamic reality and existence that is being renegotiated and challenged by modern-day Black Muslims dissatisfied with their oppressed, marginalized and subaltern condition as Muslim Americans within the umma.


Author(s):  
Donna Kornhaber

“Making films in the silent era” looks at the business of film production and the attempts of early pioneers to forge new cinematic styles. Women were central to silent film, with some holding positions of power equal to men and running studios before they were able to vote in the United States—a condition that came to a close with the rise of “talkies.” African American filmmakers, Asian American filmmakers, and others connected with audiences by bypassing the Hollywood system. The genres of silent film in some cases appear wholly distinct from later filmmaking trends and in other cases presage such mainstay forms as horror, sci-fi, and the Western, which existed alongside modes of filmmaking like animation and documentary that persisted into later eras.


2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (8) ◽  
pp. 1184-1190 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dezheng Huo ◽  
Ruby T. Senie ◽  
Mary Daly ◽  
Saundra S. Buys ◽  
Shelly Cummings ◽  
...  

Purpose BRCAPRO, a BRCA mutation carrier prediction model, was developed on the basis of studies in individuals of Ashkenazi Jewish and European ancestry. We evaluated the performance of the BRCAPRO model among clinic-based minority families. We also assessed the clinical utility of mutation status of probands (the first individual tested in a family) in the recommendation of BRCA mutation testing for other at-risk family members. Patients and Methods A total of 292 minority families with at least one member who was tested for BRCA mutations were identified through the Breast Cancer Family Registry and the University of Chicago. Using the BRCAPRO model, the predicted likelihood of carrying BRCA mutations was generated. Area under the receiver operating characteristic curves (AUCs) were calculated. Results There were 104 African American, 130 Hispanic, 37 Asian-American, and 21 other minority families. The AUC was 0.748 (95% CI, 0.672 to 0.823) for all minorities combined. There was a statistically nonsignificant trend for BRCAPRO to perform better in Hispanic families than in other minority families. After taking into account the mutation status of probands, BRCAPRO performance in additional tested family members was improved: the AUC increased from 0.760 to 0.902. Conclusion The findings support the use of BRCAPRO in pretest BRCA mutation prediction among minority families in clinical settings, but there is room for improvement in ethnic groups other than Hispanics. Knowledge of the mutation status of the proband provides additional predictive value, which may guide genetic counselors in recommending BRCA testing of additional relatives when a proband has tested negative.


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