Gender and the Civil Rights Curricula

Author(s):  
Belinda Robnett

For decades, women in the United States have fought for civil rights. Other than the fight for women’s civil rights, women’s activism in other types of social movements has been largely ignored in textbooks and in the media. Two factors contribute to this neglect. First, historically, women have held differential access to structural and institutional power. Second, with a narrow definition of leadership, researchers focused exclusively on charismatic and formal social movement leaders. However, women served as leaders and participants not only in the Suffrage movement and the second-wave feminist movement but also in the U.S. civil rights movement, the Chican@ movement, the Asian American movement, and the Native American movement. Among the causes, women have fought on the front lines for voting rights; equal employment opportunities; equal pay; desegregated housing, schools, and public facilities; reproductive rights; tribal land rights; cultural and religious preservation; LGBTQ+ rights; criminal justice; welfare rights; universal healthcare; parental leave; environmental justice; and subsidized child care. Women served as formal leaders in women’s movement organizations, and as bridge leaders in mixed-gender groups. As bridge leaders, they fostered ties between the social movement and the community, between strategies (aimed at individual change, identity, and consciousness) and political strategies (aimed at organizational tactics designed to challenge existing relationships with the state and other societal institutions). The African American, Asian American, Native American, and Chicana women’s movements did not emerge after the second-wave feminist movement, which mainly comprised white middle-class women, but simultaneously. In the case of women of color, African American, Latinx, Asian American, and Native American women have struggled for justice and equality on behalf of their specific racial–ethnic groups. Born out of gender inequality within their respective racial–ethnic movement, the activists formulated a multicultural/womanist feminism/womanism that addressed the intersectionality, race–ethnicity, gender, and class dimensions of their lived experiences.

2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juliasih Kusharyanto

Multicultural society in the United States is depicted as a mosaic, composed of a variety of races andethnic groups that have always been different from one another. Some people argue that multiculturalismmay undermine solidarity. The designation African-American, Native-American, Asian-American,Hispanic-American, and many more to certain groups of people in a society may cause hostility oreven disintegration. Sui Sin Far in Its Wavering Image expresses her dissenting opinions. She whosupports diversity which is the main issue in America asserts that cultural differences have alwaysexisted. A person can be an American and can still be able to maintain another cultural identity. Shebelieves that all human beings are born free and are equal in dignity and rights. Thus, those who livein a heterogeneous society can be considered as a dignified society. Multicultural feminism theory isapplied to identify the inequalities induced by cultural, racial, ethnic, and sexual diversity.


Author(s):  
Christopher S. Parker ◽  
Matt A. Barreto

This chapter analyzes claims made by the Tea Party's critics, who argue that the movement is one rooted in bigotry. The minority and immigrant population in America has grown dramatically, eventually leading to the election of many prominent African American, Latino, and Asian American candidates to office. At the same time, minority groups have continued to promote equal rights, especially civil rights for a range of groups, including racial/ethnic minorities, women, and sexual minorities. Yet, American history is filled with periods during which increasing visibility and calls for equal treatment among out-groups has been repeatedly met with opposition from dominant groups. The chapter calls into question whether or not Tea Party supporters see all Americans as equal members of society entitled to the same access to the American dream.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Wrigley-Field ◽  
Kaitlyn M. Berry ◽  
Govind Persad

We provide the first age-standardized race/ethnicity-specific, state-specific vaccination rates for the United States, encompassing all states reporting race/ethnicity-specific vaccinations. The data reflect vaccinations through mid-October 2021. We use indirect age standardization to compare racial/ethnic state vaccination rates to national age-specific vaccination patterns. Results show that white and Black state median vaccination rates are, respectively, 89% and 76% of what would be predicted based on age; Hispanic and Native rates are almost identical to what would be predicted; and Asian-American/Pacific Islander rates are 110% of what would be predicted. We also find that racial/ethnic group vaccination rates are associated with state politics, as proxied by 2020 Trump vote share: for each percentage point increase in 2020 Trump vote share, vaccination rates decline by 1.08 percent of what would be predicted based on age. This decline is sharpest for Native American populations, although Native vaccinations are reported for relatively few states.


2000 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 1003-1010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith B. Williams

This study examined the perceptions of social support reported by 70 African-American, 44 Hispanic, 20 Native-American, and 69 Asian-American doctoral students ( N = 203) concerning their experiences in graduate school. The Doctoral Student Survey was used to measure the levels and types of social support provided. One-way analysis of variance of mean scores indicated that a majority of doctoral students perceived the academic environment on campus and faculty advisers to be strong sources of social support, while perceiving the social environment on campus as unsupportive of their progress. The African-American and Native-American doctoral students perceived the social environment on campus to be less supportive than did the Hispanic and Asian-American doctoral students, and Native-American doctoral students perceived their departments to be less supportive than did the African-American, Hispanic, and Asian-American doctoral students.


2017 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 593-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Ramirez ◽  
Linda Oshin ◽  
Stephanie Milan

According to developmental niche theory, members of different cultural and ethnic groups often have distinct ideas about what children need to become well-adapted adults. These beliefs are reflected in parents’ long-term socialization goals for their children. In this study, we test whether specific themes that have been deemed important in literature on diverse families in the United States (e.g., Strong Black Woman [SBW], marianismo, familismo) are evident in mothers’ long-term socialization goals. Participants included 192 mothers of teenage daughters from a low-income city in the United States (58% Latina, 22% African American, and 20% European American [EA]/White). Socialization goals were assessed through a q-sort task on important traits for a woman to possess and content analysis of open-ended responses about what values mothers hoped they would transmit to their daughters as they become adults. Results from ANCOVAs and logistic regression indicate significant racial/ethnic differences on both tasks consistent with hypotheses. On the q-sort task, African American mothers put more importance on women possessing traits such as independence than mothers from other racial/ethnic groups. Similarly, they were more likely to emphasize self-confidence and strength in what they hoped to transmit to their daughters. Contrary to expectation, Latina mothers did not emphasize social traits on the q-sort; however, in open-ended responses, they were more likely to focus on the importance of motherhood, one aspect of marianismo and familismo. Overall, results suggest that these mothers’ long-term socialization goals incorporate culturally relevant values considered important for African American and Latino families.


Author(s):  
Yen Le Espiritu

Much of the early scholarship in Asian American studies sought to establish that Asian Americans have been crucial to the making of the US nation and thus deserve full inclusion into its polity. This emphasis on inclusion affirms the status of the United States as the ultimate protector and provider of human welfare, and narrates the Asian American subject by modern civil rights discourse. However, the comparative cases of Filipino immigrants and Vietnamese refugees show how Asian American racial formation has been determined not only by the social, economic, and political forces in the United States but also by US colonialism, imperialism, and wars in Asia.


Author(s):  
Elaine Allen Lechtreck

The introduction includes Bible verses cited by ministers to defend segregation and verses to oppose segregation. There are slices of the history of the United States, the Civil Rights Movement, and African American history. The southern states, where white ministers confronted segregation, are identified. The term “minister” is explained as well as the variety of labels given these ministers ranging from “Liberal,” Progressive,” “Neo-Orthodox,” “Evangelical Liberal,” “open conservative,” ‘Last Hurrah of the Social Gospel Movement” to “Trouble Maker,” “Traitor, “ “Atheist,” “Communist,” “N_____ Lover.” Rachel Henderlite, the only woman minister mentioned in the book, is identified. Synopses of the book’s seven chapters are included. Comments by historians David Chappell, Charles Reagan Wilson, Martin Luther King, Jr., Ernest Campbell, and Thomas Pettigrew are cited.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document