Local Politics and National Policy: Multi-level Conflicts in Japan and Beyond

2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-159
Author(s):  
Yosuke SUNAHARA
2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-77
Author(s):  
Christina-Marie Juen ◽  
Markus Tepe ◽  
Michael Jankowski

In Germany, Independent Local Lists (UWG) have become an integral part of local politics in recent decades . Despite their growing political importance, the reasons for their electoral rise have hardly been researched . Recent studies argue that Independent Local Lists pursue anti-party positions, which makes them attractive to voters who are dissatisfied with the party system . Assuming that a decline of confidence in established parties corresponds with the experience of local deprivation, this contribution uses a multi-level panel data set to investigate how socio-economic (emigration, aging, declining tax revenue) and political­cultural (turnout, fragmentation) deprivation processes affect the electoral success of Inde­pendent Local Lists . The empirical findings suggest that Independent Local Lists are more successful in municipalities where voter turnout has fallen and political fragmentation has increased .


Urban Studies ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 004209802092534
Author(s):  
Michael Janoschka ◽  
Fabiola Mota

Local politics in Spain has triggered iconic shifts over the last few years, and the electoral success of new ‘movement parties’ in particular has dramatically challenged the political establishment. Between 2015 and 2019, many municipalities – including, crucially, the two biggest cities, Madrid and Barcelona – were governed by coalitions originating from anti-austerity, anti-eviction and pro-democracy struggles. This has significantly affected hegemonic and widely normalised discourses supporting the neoliberalisation of urban politics, and to some extent has also prompted novel governance approaches. Based on empirical research undertaken with local councillors, officials, consultants and activists, the article develops an in-depth analysis of governance transformations in the Spanish capital of Madrid. By doing so, it evaluates the ambiguities and contradictions that the government coalition Ahora Madrid was facing during the 2015–2019 legislative term. The debate stimulates critical reflections for academics, practitioners and movements on the transformative capacities that new municipalisms may enact, as well as the constraints faced by established multi-level urban governance regimes.


2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 419-446 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graziano Battistella

Abstract With 40 years of experience in labour migration, the Philippines has designed a comprehensive approach for its governance that other countries of origin in Asia look up to. The objectives of the migration policy consist in facilitating the employment of Filipino workers abroad and the consequent economic benefits, while ensuring safe and decent conditions for the workers, through a variety of measures, including regulating the recruitment industry, training migrants through specific programmes, supervising the terms and conditions in the labour contract, and making available a system of redress for victimised migrants. These objectives are reached through the national migration policy. However, the national policy has inherent limitations, both in terms of design, implementation and reach, as the outreach of the Philippine government while migrants are abroad is limited to diplomatic and other services. For this reason, the Philippines has engaged both in bilateral and multilateral cooperation. This paper, after presenting the development of migration from the Philippines at the three policy levels, will briefly assess the efficacy of such policies, using indicators, such as growth of migration flows and coverage, to conclude that all three levels must be pursued, with some preference for the bilateral approach within a multilateral framework.


2003 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 587-610 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Lund

This article analyses a longstanding ethno-political conflict between Kusasis and Mamprusis in Bawku in north-east Ghana. A double argument is pursued. First, while communal conflict and violence challenge the state and expose its incapacity, the conflicts (played out over chieftaincy, party politics, land, markets, names of places etc.) at the same time invoke a powerful idea of the state as the most significant institution to qualify claims as rights or discard them as illegitimate. Second, the broad variety of social conflicts has effectively been cut to fit an ethnic distinction. Thus, the various conflictual issues have ‘confirmed’ and structured each other. The antagonisms have been crystallised and a pattern entrenching conflict between the two groups has been perpetuated. The article draws historical lines from the 1930s to the present, linking national policy to local politics and political culture with a particular focus on the political manifestations vis-à-vis the state and the use of ‘history’ to justify claims.


Res Publica ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-107
Author(s):  
Bruno De Wever

In Belgian historical research a lot of attention is given to local politics, also by the activities of local amateur historians. This research mostly bas a very limited scientific finality because the local political past is taken in isolation.  'Glocal history' requires representative data. Within a broader perspective one can consider the local political past in a global context. This 'global history' sees the local level as a field in which to analyze the political, social, economic and cultural developments in relation to each other. At the same time the local political sphere is considered a link between the individual citizen and higher political authorities. Local political structures act as a buffer between the citizen and (inter) national policy and are at the same time a grounds for experimentation.


2009 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 93-116 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Leo ◽  
Jeremy Enns

Abstract. This article addresses multi-level governance by posing the following question: How can we have policies that are truly national and yet fully take into account the very significant differences among regions and communities? A major objective of this approach is to get beyond ideologically driven, dichotomous debates, which often leave the impression that the study of multi-level governance can be reduced to a choice between two alternatives—for example between neo-liberalism and the welfare state, or local autonomy and centralization. Our inquiry is focused on the implementation of a federal–provincial agreement on immigration and settlement in Vancouver. The implementation took place under the authority of an aggressively private market-oriented provincial government, and our close examination of the process and the fall-out from it suggests the existence of fundamental contradictions in the theory the government applied. In particular, we find a contradiction between the intention of introducing market mechanisms in order to reduce bureaucracy and the reality of new bureaucratic burdens that accompanied the introduction of market competition. We also confront the government's claims of democratic bona fides with the reality that the introduction of contracting out posed fundamental obstacles to government responsiveness to democratic demands. Our findings suggest that straight-line, ideologically driven approaches to governance are unlikely to meet the challenge of adapting national policy to the distinct requirements of particular communities.Résumé. Cet article étudie la gouvernance multi-paliers en posant la question suivante : « Comment formuler des politiques gouvernementales qui soient réellement nationales tout en répondant aux différences importantes qui existent entre les régions et les communautés? » Un objectif important de cette méthode est de mettre de côté les débats idéologiques dichotomiques qui donnent l'impression que l'étude de la gouvernance échelonnée se ramène à un choix entre les deux termes d'une alternative : entre néolibéralisme et État - providence, par exemple, ou entre autonomie locale et centralisation. Notre enquête porte sur l'exécution d'un accord fédéral provincial concernant l'immigration et l'intégration des immigrés à Vancouver. Le gouvernement provincial auquel il incombait d'exécuter cet accord était fortement axé sur la libre entreprise. Et les résultats de notre enquête suggèrent qu'il y ait des contradictions fondamentales dans la théorie appliquée par le gouvernement. L'intention de ce gouvernement de réduire la bureaucratie en introduisant la libre entreprise et la réalité que l'introduction de ladite libre entreprise a entraîné de nouvelles charges bureaucratiques, nous paraissent contradictoires. Il en est de même pour l'argument que l'action du gouvernement tienne de la bonne foi démocratique et la réalité que le recours aux sous-traitants crée des obstacles fondamentaux qui entravent la capacité du gouvernement de répondre aux réclamations démocratiques. Les résultats de notre enquête suggèrent que les conceptions de la gouvernance qui sont linéaires et rigoureusement calquées sur des idéologies ne pourraient probablement pas répondre au défi d'adapter la politique nationale aux besoins des communautés particulières.


Oryx ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nandini Velho ◽  
William F. Laurance

AbstractHunting is a serious threat to Indian wildlife. We used semi-structured interviews to assess hunting practices, cultural contexts and village-level governance within a Buddhist Indo-Tibetan tribe in the biologically rich region of Arunachal Pradesh. A large majority (96%) of the 50 respondents preferred wild meat over domestic meat, and most hunted for recreation. Species such as the Asian elephant Elephas maximus are still considered taboo to hunters but other species that were once taboo (such as gaur Bos gaurus) are now hunted. A month-long ban was previously instituted to prohibit tribal hunting during the wildlife breeding season each year but this has now decreased to 16-days duration. A multi-level governance framework is needed to resolve a mismatch between national policy in India and grass-roots governance for managing wildlife hunting.


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