4. What People Think and Do about Politics

This chapter focuses on citizen attitudes, values, cultures, and behaviours, which underpin the British political system. Particularly important is voting for elected representatives, whether MPs, Members of the Scottish Parliament (MSPs), Members of the Senedd (MSs), Members of the Northern Ireland Assembly (MLAs), directly elected mayors, police and crime commissioners (PCCs), local councillors, or even parish councillors. Then there are extensive forms of political participation from citizens and groups, ranging from complaining to public authorities to protesting. Both voting and participation are linked to wider attitudes and beliefs about politics. The chapter also provides an understanding of the different forms of turbulence that have emerged in recent years, in particular since 2014, with the arrival of populist movements, and the more frequent use of referendums.

Are We Really Dealing with New Control Powers of Local Councilors?

On 11 January 2018, the Act on amending certain acts in order to increase the participation of citizens in the process of selecting, functioning and control of certain public authorities was passed. The legislator decided that the new legal regulations in the local government system laws were to lead to an increase in the participation of citizens in the process of control and functioning of public authorities, thus, also of local government authorities. In addition, it was to contribute to an increase in the role of local communities in the process of electing bodies coming from general elections, as well as in the control of this process and the bodies responsible for the preparation and holding of elections. Among the “new” legal solutions that have come into force in the current term of the local government authorities (2018–2023), one should distinguish those thanks to which the scope of control powers of local councillors has been extended. These include, first of all, the right to obtain information and materials, access to the premises where these information and materials are located, and access to the activities of the local government office, as well as companies with the participation of local government units, commercial companies with the participation of local government legal entities, legal persons, as well as establishments, enterprises and other local government organizational units, in compliance with the provisions on legally protected secrecy, secondly, the right to address interpellations and inquiries to the village mayor (mayor, city president), starost or voivodeship marshal, thirdly, the obligation to establish a complaint committee, motions and petitions in order to consider complaints about the activities of the executive body and local government organizational units, as well as motions and petitions submitted by citizens.

Integrated policy formulation processes in local governments: A case study in mid-western Uganda

Purpose: This study set out to assess the level of policy formulation in Hoima district local government for effective service delivery in Uganda. Research methodology: A quantitative case study design was embraced, aiming at 30 local councillors and 60 technical officials. The real sample was 54 respondents. Data were gathered via a self-administered questionnaire and an interview guide. Numerical and non-numerical data were examined by way of descriptive statistics as well as thematic analysis. Results: Results suggest a moderate mean for policy formulation in Hoima as generated from all the five constructs namely; problem identification (µ=2.88; SD= 1.346), problem manifesto (µ=2.76; SD =1.347), policy agenda (µ=2.17; SD =1.268), policy debate (µ=2.58; SD =1.271) and policy decision (µ=2.20; SD =1.268). This was so because the overall mean was 2.52 and the overall SD was 1.300. Nevertheless, the numerous impediments confronted mainly at policy decision disrupted the process. Limitations: The study concentrated on one local government in Uganda and so the results may not be generalised to Uganda. Contribution: These results might be used as contributions for local governments in Uganda to evolve a guide on integrating policy formulation issues during orientation and or retooling local councillors and technical officials for better policy formulation processes. This article contributes to the budding understanding by underlining undertones in policy formulation so that local governments become more efficient in delivering services to the citizenry.

Perceived usability of local government (LG) financial statements by local councillors: comparative study of Finland and Germany

PurposeThis paper studies the usability of LG financial statements as perceived by local councillors. By drawing on a comparative view of two countries with different periods of accrual accounting use in the public sector, the authors investigate how local councillors assess the usability of LG financial statements in order to question accounting reform success. Determinants that influence the usability assessment are explored.Design/methodology/approachExploratory design: data were collected from questionnaires with 24 local councillors from five Finnish local governments (LGs) and 30 local councillors from six German LGs. An adjusted variant of the system usability scale was analysed with descriptive statistics and non-parametric group comparisons.FindingsIn both countries, the usability assessment of financial statements seems to be positive, indicating a successful reform process. In Finland, where the accrual government accounting reform has had a longer time to settle in, councillors seem to assess usability only partially better than German councillors. Several determinants of the usability assessment were detected, such as size and debt level of the LG as well as local councillors' gender, political orientation and education. Generally, councillors need more assistance and training in using financial statements.Originality/valueThe study is the first to conduct a quantitative assessment of the usability of LG financial statements as perceived by councillors. The system usability scale was adjusted to a public sector reporting context. The paper adopts a transnational comparative approach.

Partisan bias in politicians’ perception of scandals

Do politicians perceive scandals differently when they implicate members of their own party rather than another party? We address this question using a between-subject survey experiment, whereby we randomly assign UK local councillors (N = 2133) to vignettes describing a major national-level scandal in their own party versus another party. Our results show that local politicians perceive a significantly larger impact of this national scandal on the national party image when it concerns their own party (relative to another party). When evaluating the same scandal’s impact on the local party image, no similar effect is observed. This suggests that local politicians tone down the local impact of a national scandal more when thinking about their own party. We suggest this derives from a form of motivated reasoning whereby politicians selectively focus on information allowing a more negative view of direct electoral opponents. These findings arise independent of the type of scandal under consideration.

Taking one for the team: Partisan alignment and planning outcomes in England

Does partisan alignment affect sub-national political units’ performance? When testing for a partisan alignment effect, local authority planning processes represent a ‘hard case’. Formally, decision-making processes are insulated against political considerations, and there is a mis-match between national party commitments to expand house-building on the one hand, and pressure on local councillors from residents opposing new developments on the other. I find that, in general, partisan alignment brings an increased propensity to approve large residential planning applications. This suggests councillors’ willingness to ‘take one for the team’ by prioritising national over local interests. Consistent with ‘party politics of housing’ insights, inter-party variation sees an altered effect in left-wing constellations, which display lowered approval propensities. In addition to these substantive extensions to scholarship on partisan alignment effects, the insights presented into the drivers of variation in local authority planning outcomes contribute to the pressing tasks of understanding and addressing the chronic under-supply of new housing within the English housing system.

Fresh street: the development and feasibility of a place-based, subsidy for fresh fruit and vegetables

Background Many UK communities experience food insecurity, and consume diets high in energy-dense, nutrient poor, processed foods and low in fruit and vegetables (FV). We explored a novel area-based approach to promote FV consumption and healthy eating in one such community. Methods We developed a weekly subsidy scheme for fresh FV with key local stakeholders in an area of socioeconomic deprivation in Northern England. The scheme (Fresh Street) offered five £1 vouchers to every household, regardless of income or household type. Vouchers were redeemable with local suppliers of fresh FV (not supermarkets). The feasibility of the scheme was assessed in four streets using rapid ethnographic assessment and voucher redemption information. Results Local councillors and public health teams were supportive of the scheme. Most eligible households joined the scheme (n = 80/97, 83%), and 89.3% (17 849/19 982) of vouchers issued were redeemed. Householders reported that the scheme made them think about what they were eating, and prompted them to buy and eat more FV. Conclusions This feasibility study reported high levels of acceptance for a place-based, household-level weekly FV subsidy scheme. Further research is required to evaluate the effectiveness of this approach to creating healthy diets, eating behaviours and food systems.

New municipalism in action or urban neoliberalisation reloaded? An analysis of governance change, stability and path dependence in Madrid (2015–2019)

Local politics in Spain has triggered iconic shifts over the last few years, and the electoral success of new ‘movement parties’ in particular has dramatically challenged the political establishment. Between 2015 and 2019, many municipalities – including, crucially, the two biggest cities, Madrid and Barcelona – were governed by coalitions originating from anti-austerity, anti-eviction and pro-democracy struggles. This has significantly affected hegemonic and widely normalised discourses supporting the neoliberalisation of urban politics, and to some extent has also prompted novel governance approaches. Based on empirical research undertaken with local councillors, officials, consultants and activists, the article develops an in-depth analysis of governance transformations in the Spanish capital of Madrid. By doing so, it evaluates the ambiguities and contradictions that the government coalition Ahora Madrid was facing during the 2015–2019 legislative term. The debate stimulates critical reflections for academics, practitioners and movements on the transformative capacities that new municipalisms may enact, as well as the constraints faced by established multi-level urban governance regimes.