Christopher Wren's De Corpore Saturni

We there discoursed . . . the Copernican Hypothesis, the Nature of Comets and new Stars, the Attendants on Jupiter , the Oval shape of Saturn, the Inequalities and Selenography of the Moon , the several Phases of Venus and Mercury , the Improvement of Telescopes, the grinding of Glasses for that purpose . . . THIS was written by John Wallis in 1678 in his Defence of the Royal Society and he was referring to the meetings held in London about 1645 by men interested in experimental philosophy. The ‘Oval shape of Saturn’ was a reference to what was then an important problem in astronomy: the explanation of the different appearances of Saturn. Among the men who were to become founding members of the Royal Society were a number who had an interest in this problem, John Wallis, Seth Ward, Dr Jonathan Goddard and Sir Paul Neile, who both kept operators at their houses for the grinding of lenses, John Wilkins, Laurence Rooke, William Balle, and Christopher Wren. Neile, Balle and Wren especially spent a great deal of time and effort on the problem in the 1650’s, effort that resulted in Wren’s hypothesis on Saturn, which is the subject of De Corpore Saturni.

2001 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhodri Lewis

Summary In the aftermath of the publication of John Wilkins’s Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language (1668), the Royal Society established a committee to consider and develop Wilkins’s proposals, whose members included Seth Ward (1617–89), Robert Hooke (1635–1703), Robert Boyle (1627–1691), John Wallis (1616–1703), John Ray (1627–1705), Christopher Wren (1632–1723) and William Holder (1616–1698). Despite the fact that this committee never reported, work on the Essay did continue, with many of the individual members conducting a detailed correspondence, marshalled by John Aubrey (1626–1697). In addition to the members of the original Royal Society committee, this group’s participants included Francis Lodwick (1619–1694), the Somerset clergyman Andrew Paschall (c.1630–c.1696), and Thomas Pigott (1657–1686), fellow of Wadham College, Oxford. The correspondents could not, however, agree on the best means of advancing the Essay, with the principal bone of contention being the ideas of Seth Ward. Thus, their efforts were eventually fruitless. This article traces the activities of this group and the intellectual milieu in which the revision of Wilkins’s Essay took place.


It seems that first of all this Lecturer is in private duty bound to celebrate the name of that revolutionary bishop and oecumenical philosopher John Wilkins (1614 to 1672). He was probably the only man who ever became both Warden of Wadham and Master of Trinity—certainly the only one who married the sister of the Lord Protector and yet was raised to the episcopate under King Charles the Second. The first of all our Secretaries, he had been prominent among the members of the Invisible College in 1645, and occupied the chair at that meeting of 1660 which brought the Society towards its definitive form. ‘At Cambridge’, wrote Burnet, ‘he joined with others who studied to propagate better thoughts, to take men off from being in parties or from narrow notions, from supersititious conceits, and fierceness about opinions. He was a great preserver and promoter of experimental philosophy, a lover of mankind, and had a delight in doing good.’ The subject of this afternoon’s discourse would, I believe, have had the interest of John Wilkins, and his blessing. For his first work, published in 1638 and 1640, bore the title : The Discovery of a World in the Moone; or, a Discourse tending to prove that 'tis probable that there may be another Habitable World in that Planet : together with a Discourse concerning the Possibility of a Passage thither . I cite this title not so much for the strange contemporaneity of its econd half, but because the book formed part of that great movement of thought, led by such men as Bruno and Gilbert, which destroyed the solid crystalline spheres of Aristotelian-Ptolemaic tradition, And elsewhere it has been possible to show that one of the influences here at work was the new knowledge of Europeans that the astronomers of China had always believed in the floating of the heavenly bodies in infinite space.


The lack of a definitive study of the life of Lord Brouncker, a spiteful remark of Pepys so often quoted against him (1), and possible confusion with his less reputable brother Henry (2), all combine to prompt an intriguing question. Why was he chosen as the first President of the Royal Society rather than John Wilkins, John Wallis, Robert Boyle or Sir Robert Moray? The wisdom of the choice was proved by the devoted and able service he gave to that high office during the infant years of the Society. William, second Viscount Brouncker of Castle Lyons, in the Irish peerage, was the elder son of Sir William Brouncker, gentleman of the privy chamber to Charles I, and vice-chamberlain to his son, Charles, Prince of Wales. ‘This loyal knight’ Wood records in his Athena Oxonienses ‘who was the son of Sir Henry Bruncker, President of Mounster in Ireland , by Anne, his wife, sister of Henry, Lord Morley, was created Viscount of Castle Lyon in the said kingdom 12 September 1645, and dying in Wadham College, in the middle of November following, was buried on the 20th of the said month.’ We know little of Brouncker’s early life, even the date of his birth, 1620, is conjectural. He was sent to Oxford at the age of sixteen, where he quickly made himself proficient in several languages. He was probably intended to follow the profession of medicine, as in 1647 he was awarded the degree of Doctor of Physick at Oxford, but his inclination led him to the study of mathematics, for which he evidently had a flair. He soon began to correspond with distinguished mathematicians, notably John Wallis, and it was not long before his reputation as a mathematician was recognized both at home and abroad.


John Wallis (1616-1703), one of the original Fellows of the Royal Society, was a scholar of amazing versatility. Though born into an age of intellectual giants he rapidly acquired a commanding place even among that brilliant group which has made the seventeenth century illustrious in the history of science. More than once he blazed the trail which led to some epoch-making discovery. When Newton modestly declared ‘If I have seen further it is by standing on ye sholders of Giants’, he no doubt had the name of John WalHs well before his mind. Walks was born on 23 November 1616, at Ashford in East Kent, a country town of which his father was rector. On the death of his father, Wallis was sent to school at Ashford. Later he was moved to Tenter den, where he came under the care of Mr James Movat, and even in his earliest years he distinguished himself by that singular aptitude for learning which was to remain with him till the closing years of his life. At the age of fourteen he went to Felsted, and here he acquired a marked proficiency not only in Latin and Greek, but also in Hebrew. From Felsted he entered Emmanuel College, Cambridge, and although his interest in mathematics dates from this period, he gave no evidence of unusual talent for the subject; this, he complains was because there was no one in the University to direct his studies. Divinity was his dominant interest. In 1640 he was ordained, and four years later he was appointed, together with Adoniram Byfield, Secretary to the Assembly of Divines at Westminster. Possibly on account of his ecclesiastical duties, which absorbed much of his time and energy, his early promise as a mathematician still remained unfulfilled.


When the Royal Society was founded in 1660, its initiators were far from being young men, as one would expect remembering that the long-lived John Wallis (1616-1703) gave its origins as lying in meetings begun as long before as 1645. Fifteen years after that date, most of its founders were, in 1660, well on in their 40s; even among the original Fellows of 1663 the youngest were Christopher Wren (38 in 1660), Robert Boyle (33) and William Croone (27), nor were the first recruits to the new, formal Society younger. Hence it is not surprising that the next 20 years saw the loss through death of the majority of them, nor that those who survived into the 1680s slowly withdrew from active participation in the meetings. Even Robert Hooke, only 27 when appointed Curator of Experiments in 1662, was by 1680 well on in years by 17th-century usage, and reasonably more interested in his various professional activities than anxious to labour at performing repetitions of experiments for the edification of fellow-members.


The official historians of the Royal Society, from Thomas Sprat in 1667 to Sir Henry Lyons in 1944, have not been concerned to probe very deeply into the origins of the Society. The fullest of their accounts of this part of its history is given by C. R. Weld (1848) who briefly summarizes the formation and development of some other academies and scientific societies in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries and their relation to the Royal Society, and investigates, though not in great detail, some of the circumstances which may have led to its foundation. With the exception of Sprat, who wrote too early, the historians have based their account of the origins of the Royal Society on a letter from Dr John Wallis, F.R.S., to Dr Smith of Magdalen College, Oxford, dated 29 January 1696/1697. 2 In view of this, and in spite of its length, Wallis’s account is quoted here also: . . . About the year 1645, while I lived in London (at a time, when, by our Civil Wars, Academical Studies were much interrupted in both our universities:) beside the Conversation of divers eminent Divines, as to matters Theological; I had the opportunity of being acquainted with divers worthy Persons, inquisitive into Natural Philosophy, and other parts of Humane Learning: And particularly of what hath been called the New Philosophy or Experimental Philosophy.


This letter, of which a transcription is given below, was addressed to Sir Justinian Isham, who later became one of the original Fellows of the Royal Society. It is of interest to us principally because it adds a few details to the little-known particulars of the activities of the members of the Oxford Philosophical Society in the early years of its existence. The Minute Book of the Society from 1683 onwards has been published. Dr Seth Ward, when he wrote the letter, was a fellow-commoner at Wadham College, Oxford. At that time Oxford was the home of many illustrious men of science, among whom may be mentioned John Wilkins, the Warden of Wadham ; Robert Boyle; Thomas Willis; Jonathan Goddard; and John Wallis. These men constituted a brilliant intellectual group and they, together with Ward and others, formed the Oxford Philosophical Society. All of the above took an active interest in the formation of the Royal Society in 1660 and became original Fellows. Oldenburg dedicated the fourth volume of his Philosophical Transactions to Seth Ward, who by that time (1669) had become Bishop of Salisbury. He said, ‘ We ought to remember, that ’tis now about 15 or 16 years, since your Lordship Geometrized Astronomy , which did oblige the chief Astronomers of this Learned Age : And that you added Life to the Oxonian Sparkles, I mean that Meeting, which may be called the Embryo or First Conception of the Royal Society .´


1881 ◽  
Vol 32 (212-215) ◽  
pp. 407-408

During the progress of the investigations which I have from time to time had the honour of bringing under the notice of the Royal Society, I have again and again noticed the apparent disappearance of gases inclosed in vessels of various materials when the disappearance could not be accounted for upon the assumption of ordinary leakage. After a careful examination of the subject I found that the solids absorbed or dissolved the gases, giving rise to a striking example of the fixation of a gas in a solid without chemical action. In carrying out that most troublesome investigation, the crystalline separation of carbon from its compounds, the tubes used for experiment have been in nine cases out of ten found to be empty on opening them, and in most cases a careful testing by hydraulic press showed no leakage. The gases seemed to go through the solid iron, although it was 2 inches thick. A series of experiments with various linings were tried. The tube was electro-plated with copper, silver, and gold, but with no greater success. Siliceous linings were tried fusible enamels and glass—but still the' tubes refused to hold the contents. Out of thirty-four experiments made since my last results were published, only four contained any liquid or condensed gaseous matter after the furnacing. I became convinced that the solid matter at the very high pressure and temperature used must be pervious to gases.


The papers in this symposium form the proceeding of the Royal Society’s Discussion Meeting held in March 1993. As co-organizers and editors, we trust that we have put together a timely, enterprising and enlightening volume which provides a fitting tribute to Alan Williams. It was Alan who first promoted to the Royal Society the subject of CD4 as a topic for one of the Society’s Discussion Meetings and who agreed to be cast in the role of organizer. After Alan’s untimely death, as coorganizers we were given the choice of proceeding with the meeting or not, and it was decided to proceed as a memorial to Alan. We are certain that it was exactly what Alan would have wanted us to do.


Miss Dorothy Stimson, Dean of Groucher College, U.S.A., in an article in Isis for 1 September 1935, tried to traverse the view stated in the Introduction to my Comenius in England (Oxford University Press (1932)), pp. 6-7, that the visit of Comenius (Komensky) to London in 1641-1642 marked an important stage in the development in England of the idea of a great society for scientific research which resulted in the organization of the informal ‘Invisible College’ by Theodore Haak and others in 1645, and prepared the way for the foundation of the Royal Society in 1662. She was however unable to explain away the fact that Theodore Haak, who was one of the most active supporters of Komensky’s plan for a Scientific College in 1641, was in 1645 the virtual founder of the informal ‘Invisible College,’ the precursor of the Royal Society. Miss Stimson stresses the contrast between the universal speculative plan of Comenius as outlined in his Via Lucis (1642), and the empirical and specialized activities of the Invisible College. Miss Stimson however has completely overlooked the fact that John Wilkins (1614-1672), Warden of Wadham College, Oxford, whom she rightly regards as one of the most active members of the Invisible College, held views very similar to those of Comenius on scientific method and on the desirability of a universal language.


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