William, Viscount Brouncker, P. R. S. (1620-1684)

The lack of a definitive study of the life of Lord Brouncker, a spiteful remark of Pepys so often quoted against him (1), and possible confusion with his less reputable brother Henry (2), all combine to prompt an intriguing question. Why was he chosen as the first President of the Royal Society rather than John Wilkins, John Wallis, Robert Boyle or Sir Robert Moray? The wisdom of the choice was proved by the devoted and able service he gave to that high office during the infant years of the Society. William, second Viscount Brouncker of Castle Lyons, in the Irish peerage, was the elder son of Sir William Brouncker, gentleman of the privy chamber to Charles I, and vice-chamberlain to his son, Charles, Prince of Wales. ‘This loyal knight’ Wood records in his Athena Oxonienses ‘who was the son of Sir Henry Bruncker, President of Mounster in Ireland , by Anne, his wife, sister of Henry, Lord Morley, was created Viscount of Castle Lyon in the said kingdom 12 September 1645, and dying in Wadham College, in the middle of November following, was buried on the 20th of the said month.’ We know little of Brouncker’s early life, even the date of his birth, 1620, is conjectural. He was sent to Oxford at the age of sixteen, where he quickly made himself proficient in several languages. He was probably intended to follow the profession of medicine, as in 1647 he was awarded the degree of Doctor of Physick at Oxford, but his inclination led him to the study of mathematics, for which he evidently had a flair. He soon began to correspond with distinguished mathematicians, notably John Wallis, and it was not long before his reputation as a mathematician was recognized both at home and abroad.

2001 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 331-364 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rhodri Lewis

Summary In the aftermath of the publication of John Wilkins’s Essay towards a Real Character and a Philosophical Language (1668), the Royal Society established a committee to consider and develop Wilkins’s proposals, whose members included Seth Ward (1617–89), Robert Hooke (1635–1703), Robert Boyle (1627–1691), John Wallis (1616–1703), John Ray (1627–1705), Christopher Wren (1632–1723) and William Holder (1616–1698). Despite the fact that this committee never reported, work on the Essay did continue, with many of the individual members conducting a detailed correspondence, marshalled by John Aubrey (1626–1697). In addition to the members of the original Royal Society committee, this group’s participants included Francis Lodwick (1619–1694), the Somerset clergyman Andrew Paschall (c.1630–c.1696), and Thomas Pigott (1657–1686), fellow of Wadham College, Oxford. The correspondents could not, however, agree on the best means of advancing the Essay, with the principal bone of contention being the ideas of Seth Ward. Thus, their efforts were eventually fruitless. This article traces the activities of this group and the intellectual milieu in which the revision of Wilkins’s Essay took place.


This letter, of which a transcription is given below, was addressed to Sir Justinian Isham, who later became one of the original Fellows of the Royal Society. It is of interest to us principally because it adds a few details to the little-known particulars of the activities of the members of the Oxford Philosophical Society in the early years of its existence. The Minute Book of the Society from 1683 onwards has been published. Dr Seth Ward, when he wrote the letter, was a fellow-commoner at Wadham College, Oxford. At that time Oxford was the home of many illustrious men of science, among whom may be mentioned John Wilkins, the Warden of Wadham ; Robert Boyle; Thomas Willis; Jonathan Goddard; and John Wallis. These men constituted a brilliant intellectual group and they, together with Ward and others, formed the Oxford Philosophical Society. All of the above took an active interest in the formation of the Royal Society in 1660 and became original Fellows. Oldenburg dedicated the fourth volume of his Philosophical Transactions to Seth Ward, who by that time (1669) had become Bishop of Salisbury. He said, ‘ We ought to remember, that ’tis now about 15 or 16 years, since your Lordship Geometrized Astronomy , which did oblige the chief Astronomers of this Learned Age : And that you added Life to the Oxonian Sparkles, I mean that Meeting, which may be called the Embryo or First Conception of the Royal Society .´


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ειρήνη Γκουνταρούλη

Στη διατριβή αυτή μελετάται η διαμόρφωση της έννοιας της δύναμης στον αγγλικό φιλοσοφικό λόγο στα μέσα του 17ου αιώνα. Εν ολίγοις, η μελέτη εστιάζει το ενδιαφέρον στη σημασία της διερεύνησης τόσο του ιστορικού και του διανοητικού πλαισίου όσο και των εννοιολογικών συνθηκών της περιόδου. Μίας περιόδου όπου στο επίκεντρο του αγγλικού φιλοσοφικού λόγου έρχεται η συζήτηση σχετικά με το ποια είναι η κατάλληλη φιλοσοφική γλώσσα για να περιγράψει τη φύση. Βασικό σημείο της μελέτης αυτής, είναι η σφοδρή αντίθεση για το ζήτημα της κατάλληλης φιλοσοφικής γλώσσας, η οποία αναπτύσσεται μεταξύ του Thomas Hobbes και του John Wilkins, πρώιμου μέλους της Βασιλικής Εταιρείας. Η μελέτη αντλεί τα μεθοδολογικά και θεωρητικά της εργαλεία από το πεδίο της εννοιολογικής ιστορίας (ή ιστορίας των εννοιών). Υπό αυτό το πρίσμα, η έννοια της δύναμης μελετάται με βάση τα σχετικά σημασιολογικά πεδία τα οποία εντοπίζονται στα γλωσσικά περικείμενα αφενός του Hobbes και αφετέρου των πέντε μελών της πρώιμης Βασιλικής Εταιρείας, δηλαδή, του Wilkins, του Robert Hooke, του Robert Boyle, του Thomas Sprat και του Joseph Glanvill. Με άλλα λόγια, στη μελέτη αυτή η έννοια της δύναμης δεν προσεγγίζεται απλώς ως μία συμπύκνωση μαθηματικών σχέσεων και φυσικών φιλοσοφικών τεχνικών, αλλά ως η συμπύκνωση ενός πλήθους ιστορικών, διανοητικών και σημασιολογικών σχέσεων οι οποίες εντοπίζονται σε συγκεκριμένα γλωσσικά περικείμενα. Η μελέτη λαμβάνει υπόψη της την πληθώρα των ιστοριογραφικών ρευμάτων οι οποίες σχετίζονται με την νευτώνεια έννοια της δύναμης που δρα από απόσταση. Ωστόσο, πηγαίνει πέρα από αυτές εστιάζοντας στις υπο-διαμόρφωση εννοιολογικές δομές οι οποίες σχετίζονται με την έννοια της νευτώνειας δύναμης και οι οποίες συγκροτούνται βάσει της συζήτησης περί της κατάλληλης φιλοσοφικής γλώσσας. Οι συγχρονικά ασαφείς εννοιολογικές δομές συμπυκνώνονται στη, αλλά και συγκροτούν τη διαμάχη οι οποία βασίστηκε και διαμορφώθηκε από τα αντιθετικά φιλοσοφικά μοντέλα αφενός του Thomas Hobbes και αφετέρου των πρώιμων μελών της Royal Society. Σε αυτό το πλαίσιο, ο Νεύτωνας δεν θεωρείται πνευματικό επίγονος της Royal Society, αλλά της φιλοσοφικής διαμάχης μεταξύ του Hobbes και των πρώιμων μελών της Royal Society. Όπως ακριβώς και η νευτώνεια έννοια της δύναμης που δρα από απόσταση δεν είναι η συσσώρευση μαθηματικών και φυσικών φιλοσοφικών λεπτομερειών της εποχής, αλλά αναγνωρίζεται ως η συμπύκνωση μίας πληθώρας εννοιολογικών, πνευματικών, θρησκευτικών, πολιτικών και φυσικών φιλοσοφικών σχέσεων, οι οποίες θέτουν ένα συγκεκριμένο ορίζονται πιθανών εμπειριών και θεωριών.


Author(s):  
Margaret J. M. Ezell

An overview of the founding of the Royal Society of London and early members, including Robert Hooke, Isaac Newton, John Wilkins, Robert Boyle, and Henry Oldenburg, who first published the Philosophical Transactions. In addition to the creation and improvement of scientific instruments, including microscopes and telescopes, as recorded by their historian Thomas Sprat, the members of the Royal Society wished to create a language of science free from distorting images and metaphor and to base science on empirical experiments and direct observation. Although challenged by many for promoting an atheist understanding of the natural world, members such as Robert Boyle defended science as complementary with theology. The Society promoted publications and established networks of scientific correspondence to include members outside London and on the Continent.


When the Royal Society was founded in 1660, its initiators were far from being young men, as one would expect remembering that the long-lived John Wallis (1616-1703) gave its origins as lying in meetings begun as long before as 1645. Fifteen years after that date, most of its founders were, in 1660, well on in their 40s; even among the original Fellows of 1663 the youngest were Christopher Wren (38 in 1660), Robert Boyle (33) and William Croone (27), nor were the first recruits to the new, formal Society younger. Hence it is not surprising that the next 20 years saw the loss through death of the majority of them, nor that those who survived into the 1680s slowly withdrew from active participation in the meetings. Even Robert Hooke, only 27 when appointed Curator of Experiments in 1662, was by 1680 well on in years by 17th-century usage, and reasonably more interested in his various professional activities than anxious to labour at performing repetitions of experiments for the edification of fellow-members.


2020 ◽  
pp. 207-225
Author(s):  
Brian Cantor

When a material is stretched, the extension is proportional to the stretching force, with the elastic modulus defined as the constant of proportionality. This is called Hooke’s law and was discovered by Robert Hooke, just after the end of the English civil wars in the mid-17th century. This chapter examines the underlying atomic forces responsible for Hooke’s law, the use of tensors to describe three-dimensional stresses and strains in a material, and the relationships between the different elastic moduli under different loading conditions. Hooke was the son of a clergyman, born and brought up on the Isle of Wight, a royalist stronghold, where King Charles I fled after his imprisonment by Parliament, only to be recaptured and executed. Hooke was smuggled to London and then Oxford under the protection of Royalist academics, where he became a member of the group of intellectuals who, after the restoration of the monarchy, led the Enlightenment and set up the Royal Society. He took on many jobs: Lab Assistant to Robert Boyle, Curator at the Royal Society, Professor of Geometry at Gresham’s College, City Surveyor for the rebuilding of London after the Great Fire, and First Officer in Christopher Wren’s architectural firm. He was paranoid about his need for money and about people stealing his scientific ideas. He feuded with many of the great scientists of his age, claiming that he invented their ideas first, notably with Newton about his theories of gravity.


Italy has often held a special place in the view of cultivated Englishmen, and this is especially the case for Italian sciences in the seventeenth century (1). At the first beginnings of the Royal Society in 1645 the young men who met for discussions in London held Italian science in high esteem. So much was this the case that among their topics of discussion, as John Wallis, by then Savilian Professor at Oxford, recalled in 1678, were the valves in the veins (whose description by Fabricius of Aquapendente had so impressed William Harvey), Galileo s telescopic discoveries and Torricelli s barometric experiment, all part of that ‘New Philosophy’ which he took to have been founded by Galileo and Bacon. This last was certainly the view to which most of the early Fellows of the Royal Society subscribed, paying constant tribute to Galileo’s role in the foundation of the new experimental science as well as in the advancement of the Copernican theory, as can be seen from the works of Robert Boyle and, later, Newton. The chronological point, self-evident but not always remembered, that living men are not constrained by dates, although historians may wish to be, is exemplified in the case of Newton’s respect for Galileo enunciated in 1687 in the first edition of the Principia , maintained through all the vicissitudes of revision in 1713 and 1723, and as long as the Principia was read, as it was throughout the seventy-five years after Newton’s death (1727), his 1687 tribute to Galileo remained fresh. Similarly, the works of post-Galilean Italian scientists by no means lost their influence because time had worn on into the eighteenth century and they had published in the seventeenth; even today a fifty-year-old book in a new edition may excite new readers, and this of course was even more true in the past when scientific advances approximated in their rate of development to those of, say, economics or psychology today.


1960 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 253-268 ◽  

James Swinburne lived to be over one hundred years of age, the third Fellow of the Royal Society to do this. The first was Sir Moses Haim Montefiore who was born in Leghorn on 24 October 1784 and died in this country on 28 July 1885, having settled here as a young man. He was elected into the Society on 16 June 1836. He is still well remembered as an outstanding philanthropist and a fearless defender of his fellow Jews all over the world. The second was Henry Nicholas Ridley the botanist who died in 1956. One other Fellow who died a few days before his hundredth birthday might well be mentioned; he was Bernard le Bovier de Fontenelle, Secretary of the Académie des Sciences and later President of that body. Fie was born on 11 February 1657 and died on 9 January 1757. Family, Early Life and Background The Swinburne family is an ancient one as a glance at Burke's Peerage will show; they are essentially Northumbrian. The baronetcy dates from 1660. John Swinburne, father of the first Baronet, was promised a baronetcy by Charles I but the patent of creation never passed the seal. He died in 1652, eight years before the Restoration, His son, also John Swinburne, was created a Baronet in 1660 and is called in the patent ‘Virum patrimonio censu et morum probitate spectabilem’. Swinburne on his father’s side was descended from Flotspur, of whom he dryly remarks in his personal record ‘was a lively member of society but not noticeably scientific’. One of Swinburne’s ancestors (Sir John Swinburne, Bart.) was a Fellow of the Society elected 26 February 1818. Like so many of his contemporaries of the period he was an ardent antiquarian and F.S.A. Humphry Davy was his proposer for the Society. He founded the Antiquarian Society of Newcastle upon Tyne, closely modelled on the L.S.A., and during his lifetime maintained the most friendly intercourse between the two Societies. He, like our Swinburne, lived to a great age, dying a few weeks short of his entry into his hundredth year.


We there discoursed . . . the Copernican Hypothesis, the Nature of Comets and new Stars, the Attendants on Jupiter , the Oval shape of Saturn, the Inequalities and Selenography of the Moon , the several Phases of Venus and Mercury , the Improvement of Telescopes, the grinding of Glasses for that purpose . . . THIS was written by John Wallis in 1678 in his Defence of the Royal Society and he was referring to the meetings held in London about 1645 by men interested in experimental philosophy. The ‘Oval shape of Saturn’ was a reference to what was then an important problem in astronomy: the explanation of the different appearances of Saturn. Among the men who were to become founding members of the Royal Society were a number who had an interest in this problem, John Wallis, Seth Ward, Dr Jonathan Goddard and Sir Paul Neile, who both kept operators at their houses for the grinding of lenses, John Wilkins, Laurence Rooke, William Balle, and Christopher Wren. Neile, Balle and Wren especially spent a great deal of time and effort on the problem in the 1650’s, effort that resulted in Wren’s hypothesis on Saturn, which is the subject of De Corpore Saturni.


Author(s):  
Victor Nuovo

Although the vocation of Christian virtuoso was invented and named by Robert Boyle, Francis Bacon provided the archtype. A Christian virtuoso is an experimental natural philosopher who professes Christianity, who endeavors to unite empiricism and supernatural belief in an intellectual life. In his program for the renewal of the learning Bacon prescribed that the empirical study of nature be the basis of all the sciences, including not only the study of physical things, but of human society, and literature. He insisted that natural causes only be used to explain natural events and proposed not to mix theology with natural philosophy. This became a rule of the Royal Society of London, of which Boyle was a principal founder. Bacon’s rule also had a theological use, to preserve the purity and the divine authority of revelation. In the mind of the Christian virtuoso, nature and divine revelation were separate but complementary sources of truth.


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