scholarly journals IV. Contributions towards the history of the monamines

1859 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 591-593

2. Action of Bisulphide of Carbon upon Amylamine . In a note on the alleged transformation of thialdine into leucine, addressed to the Royal Society about eighteen months ago, I alluded to a crystalline substance observed by Wagner when submitting amylamine to the action of bisulphide of carbon. This substance was not analysed, but considering its mode of formation, Wagner suggested that it might possibly be thialdine. A superficial comparison of the properties of thialdine with those of the substance produced by the action of bisulphide of carbon upon amylamine, enabled me at once to recognize the difference of the two bodies; and satisfied with the result, I did not at the time examine more minutely into the nature of the latter substance.

Author(s):  
Subrata Dasgupta

The Analytical Engine has a startling place in the history of computing. To the best of our knowledge, no machine had ever before been conceived along its lines. More remarkably, some of its key principles of design would actually be reinvented a century later by people who were, apparently, ignorant of it. If imitation is the sincerest form of flattery, then so is re invention or re discovery, at least when born from ignorance. It tells us much about how ahead of one’s time the original creator was. This reinvention of Babbage’s idea was particularly poignant because it would become the fount of fruitful and rich phylogenetic pathways in the later evolution of the digital computer and the emergence of computer science. Dissatisfaction is a prime generator of the creative urge, dissatisfaction with the status quo and the desire to change it to something better. Charles Babbage was unhappy with the waste of human mental labor in computing mathematical tables, which led to his desire to free human beings from this tedium—hence, the Difference Engine. However, the Difference Engine produced its own discontent. As Luigi Frederico Menabrea (1809–1896), an Italian military mathematician (and, later, prime minister of Italy) would explain apropos the Difference Engine, its use was limited to one particular kind of computation. It could not be applied to the solution of “an infinity of other questions” of interest to mathematicians. It was this limitation and the attendant discontent that led Babbage to conceive the machine he called the Analytical Engine, the operation of which he believed would encompass the full range of algebraic problems. The Difference Engine was not general enough. Babbage desired a computing engine that could range over the whole of “mathematical analysis.” As he explained in a letter to the Earl of Rosse, then president of the Royal Society, his Analytical Engine would have the power to perform the “most analytical complicated operations.” Here, then, is Babbage’s promise: a mathematical machine with “nearly unlimited” powers. Babbage’s name for his new machine is significant.


1802 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. 233-326 ◽  

When, in the year 1798, I presented to the Royal Society, in conjunction with Mr. Greville, a Paper on the Corundum Stone, I gave some hints of an opinion which l,as well as Mr. Greville, had already formed, namely, that the said stone was absolutely of the same nature with those stones or gems which mineralogists, following the example of the jewellers, had hitherto distinguished by the epithet oriental . This opinion was founded upon circumstances which appeared to me perfectly satisfactory; but these circumstances had not yet been sufficiently examined, nor were they sufficiently striking, to obviate every possible objection; and, consequently, my opinion was not yet in a state fit to be presented to the Royal Society, as an established truth. Since that time, I have never lost sight of this object, nor have I neglected any means in my. power, which could conduce to the end I had in view; and I may say, that my success has far surpassed my expectations. The spe­cimens of corundum that have been lately sent from India, joined to the very considerable collection of oriental gems, in their perfect crystalline forms, which I have been able to pro­cure, have afforded me the most satisfactory demonstration that a mineralogist can wish for; and nothing was now wanting to fix, in a complete and decisive manner, the general opinion respecting this stone, except to give it that additional support which is furnished by chemical investigation. Mr, Klaproth indeed had already published an analysis of the corundum stone, and of the sapphire; but he had not submitted to the same scrutiny, the perfect red corundum or oriental ruby; it is possible also, that the specimens of corundum he made use of in his analysis, which had been taken from among the first specimens of this stone sent from India, were not so pure as might have been wished, and that this impurity was the cause of the difference, (which however was very trifling,) between the result of their analysis and that of the sapphire. I there­ fore chose, from among the specimens of corundum which had been sent from China, from the kingdom of Ava, from the Carnatic, and from the coast of Malabar, such pieces as ap­peared to me the most pure; and, after having added to them a quantity of oriental rubies and sapphires, sufficient for many repeated analyses, I requested Mr. Ch e n e v ix, whose chemical labours are so useful to mineralogy, by his constant application of them to that science, to have the kindness to join with me in the investigation I had undertaken. The Royal Society will perceive, in the detail given by Mr. Chenevix himself, of the analyses which he has made, not only of the different varieties, of corundum, but also of the substances which accompany this stone in its matrix, how very satisfactory to science are the results of those analyses; insomuch, that I can now offer to the Society, as one of the best established truths, what, in the year 1798, I mentioned merely as a suspicion which had great pro­bability in its favour; and can also, in consequence of the particular study I have made of all the varieties of stones that I have here joined together, under the general denomi­nation of corundum, present to the Society a collection of facts, for the most part unknown, which, altogether, may be considered as forming a mineralogical history of this substance. Although the epithet oriental has been for a long time used by the lapidaries, to express, in gems or precious stones, a degree of hardness superior to that of other stones, (the diamond excepted,) which made them capable of taking a more brilliant polish; and although, following the example of the lapidaries, naturalists had employed the same term by way of distinguishing them, there still remained a great uncer­tainty, respecting the nature of the analogy which really existed between the various stones to which the above epithet was applied.


Volume 94, No. 3, of the Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society held at Philadelphia for Promoting Useful Knowledge , published 20 June 1950, contains some papers of great interest to the Fellows of the Royal Society. In particular, Professor Thomas D. Cope has outlined the odyssey of the Royal Society’s clock. In 1760 the Council of the Society ordered clocks to be constructed in preparation for expeditions to St Helena and to Sumatra for the purpose of assisting in the observations to be made of the transit of Venus, due to occur on 5 June 1761. Mr John Shelton was paid £34 16 s .6 d . for his clock on 23 December 1760 ; and it can truthfully be said that the Society seldom made a better purchase. Shelton’s clock went to St Helena in 1761 where it was used by the Rev. Neville Maskelyne, F.R.S., to measure the difference between the force of gravity as observed at Greenwich and at St Helena by the period of oscillation of a pendulum of fixed length. On his way home, the clock was carried to the Cape of Good Hope by Jeremiah Dixon, F.R.S., who set it up there and made a new observation before sailing for England. In 1763, the clock went to Barbados with Neville Maskelyne, for use in testing John Harrison’s marine chronometer; and it also served to make observations on the force of gravity at that place. In 1766, Charles Mason and Jeremiah Dixon were in North America, preparing to demarcate a parallel of latitude which ultimately became the boundary between the States of Pennsylvania and Maryland ; a line more popularly known as the Mason-Dixon line. They were also instructed by the Royal Society to measure a degree of longitude, and for this purpose Shelton’s clock was sent out to them. At the meeting of Council at which the decision was taken to send the clock, Benjamin Franklin, F.R.S., was present and was consulted on the best means for its shipment to America.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-37
Author(s):  
Natalie Binczek

Der deutsche Barockdichter Georg Philipp Harsdörffer skizziert eine Theorie der Emblematik, die vor allem dessen Anwendungsvielfalt hervorhebt. Er hebt dabei besonders den Unterschied zwischen buchinterner und buchexterner Verwendung auf, indem er sich nicht nur für die Aufnahme der Embleme in Büchern, sondern auch auf Geschirr und Tapeten ausspricht. Der Beitrag liest Harsdörffers extensive Überlegungen nicht nur als Beiträge zur Theorie und Geschichte der Embleme als ›Sinn-Bilder‹, sondern auch als Beitrag zur Designgeschichte. German Baroque poet Georg Philipp Harsdörffer delineates a theory of emblematics that clearly sets itself apart from other contemporary theories, especially by its versatility. In particular, the author negates the difference between internal and external usage of emblems in books not only by promoting the incorporation of emblems into printed works but also by supporting their depiction on dishes and tapestries. This article strives to read Harsdörffer’s extensive thoughts on the matter of emblems not simply as another work on the theory and history of emblematics but rather as a contribution to design history as well


Author(s):  
Simon Kirchin

This chapter introduces the distinction between thin and thick concepts and then performs a number of functions. First, two major accounts of thick concepts—separationism and nonseparationism—are introduced and, in doing so, a novel account of evaluation is indicated. Second, each chapter is outlined as is the general methodology, followed, third, by a brief history of the discussion of thick concepts, referencing Philippa Foot, Hilary Putnam, Gilbert Ryle, and Bernard Williams among others. Fourth, a number of relevant contrasts are introduced, such as the fact–value distinction and the difference between concepts, properties, and terms. Lastly, some interesting and relevant questions are raised that, unfortunately, have to be left aside.


George Gabriel Stokes was one of the most significant mathematicians and natural philosophers of the nineteenth century. Serving as Lucasian professor at Cambridge he made wide-ranging contributions to optics, fluid dynamics and mathematical analysis. As Secretary of the Royal Society he played a major role in the direction of British science acting as both a sounding board and a gatekeeper. Outside his own area he was a distinguished public servant and MP for Cambridge University. He was keenly interested in the relation between science and religion and wrote extensively on the matter. This edited collection of essays brings together experts in mathematics, physics and the history of science to cover the many facets of Stokes’s life in a scholarly but accessible way.


2002 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 268-269
Author(s):  
Larry Neal

Economic historians usually have to explain to their economist colleagues the difference between economic history, which focuses on facts, and history of economic thought, which focuses on ideas. Our colleagues in finance departments, typically fascinated by episodes in financial history treated by economic historians, are bound to be disappointed in the lack of attention given to the development of ideas in finance by historians of economic thought. Geoffrey Poitras, a professor of finance at Simon Fraser University, makes a valiant effort to remedy these oversights in his collection of vignettes that highlight the sophistication of financial instruments and analysts of financial markets well before the time of Adam Smith. Starting in 1478 with the publication of the Treviso Arithmetic, a typical textbook of commercial arithmetic for Italian merchants, and ending with brief snippets from the Wealth of Nations, Poitras treats the reader to a fascinating potpourri of excerpts from various manuals, brief biographies of pioneers in financial analysis, and historical discursions on foreign-exchange and stock markets.


2021 ◽  
pp. 016224392110323
Author(s):  
Kristina Popova

The article addresses the production of reproducibility as a topic that has become acutely relevant in the recent discussions on the replication crisis in science. It brings the ethnomethodological stance on reproducibility into the discussions, claiming that reproducibility is necessarily produced locally, on the shop floor, with methodological guidelines serving as references to already established practices rather than their origins. The article refers to this argument empirically, analyzing how a group of novice neuroscientists performs a series of measurements in a transcranial magnetic stimulation experiment. Based on ethnography and video analysis, the article traces a history of the local measurement procedure invented by the researchers in order to overcome the experimental uncertainty. The article aims to demonstrate (1) how reproducibility of the local procedure is achieved in the shop floor work of the practitioners and (2) how the procedure becomes normalized and questioned as incorrect in the course of experimental practice. It concludes that the difference between guidelines and practical actions is not problematic per se; what may be problematic is that researchers can be engaged in different working projects described by the same instruction.


2021 ◽  
pp. 197140092110006
Author(s):  
Warren Chang ◽  
Ajla Kadribegic ◽  
Kate Denham ◽  
Matthew Kulzer ◽  
Tyson Tragon ◽  
...  

Purpose A common complication of lumbar puncture (LP) is postural headaches. Epidural blood patches are recommended if patients fail conservative management. Owing to a perceived increase in the number of post-lumbar puncture headaches (PLPHs) requiring epidural blood patches at a regional hospital in our network, the decision was made to switch from 20 to 22 gauge needles for routine diagnostic LPs. Materials and methods Patients presenting for LP and myelography at one network regional hospital were included in the study. The patients were contacted by nursing staff 3 days post-procedure; those patients who still had postural headaches after conservative management and received epidural blood patches were considered positive cases. In total, 292 patients were included; 134 underwent LP with 20-gauge needles (53 male, 81 female, average age 57.7) and 158 underwent LP with 22-gauge needles (79 male, 79 female, average age 54.6). Results Of 134 patients undergoing LP with 20-gauge needles, 15 (11%) had PLPH requiring epidural blood patch (11 female, 3 male, average age 38). Of 158 patients undergoing LP with 22-gauge needles, only 5 (3%) required epidural blood patches (all female, average age 43). The difference was statistically significant ( p < 0.01). Risk factors for PLPH included female gender, younger age, lower body mass index, history of prior PLPH and history of headaches. Conclusion Switching from 20-gauge to 22-gauge needles significantly decreased the incidence of PLPH requiring epidural blood patch. Narrower gauge or non-cutting needles should be considered in patients with risk factors for PLPH, allowing for CSF requirements.


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