Southern Africa's ruling parties will preach reform

Subject Southern African ruling parties. Significance Longstanding ruling parties based upon former national liberation movements (NLMs) govern across most of Southern Africa. Despite persistent allegations of corruption, declining national economic performance and widening inequality, these parties have regularly been returned at the ballot box. However, as peace dividends wear off and electorates demand more of their elected representatives, incumbents must tread carefully, both to maintain party unity and to bolster electoral support. Impacts Failure to implement politically difficult structural economic reforms could curtail South Africa's recent economic revival. A new party supported by Mugabe's allies may struggle to gain traction outside of his home province of Mashonaland Central. Angola's improving international reputation could be undone by persistent threats to media freedom.

Subject Prospects for Southern Africa in 2019. Significance Painful economic reforms face political and popular resistance (Zimbabwe), while fiscal and debt crises risk further eroding ruling party support (Mozambique, Zambia). New IMF programmes could buoy investor sentiment (Angola), while a general election will have wide-ranging domestic and regional effects (South Africa).


Subject The extents of reform in Uzbekistan. Significance President Shavqat Mirzioyev has changed the overall mood by easing up on repression, launching the first substantive economic reforms in three decades and turning regional antagonisms into opportunities for cooperation. Improvements on human rights and media freedom are patchy and reversible. Politically, personnel changes and prosecutions have consolidated Mirzioyev's position; no moves towards pluralist democracy are planned. Impacts As a commodity producer, Uzbekistan is vulnerable to global price fluctuations for metals, gas and cotton. The government is hoping that tourism and local cotton processing will generate new revenue sources. A key test of Uzbek-style governance will be how power is shared among regions. Civil society and opposition organisations are conditioned to be cautious about seeking greater prominence.


1993 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 142-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bengt Ljunggren

✓ Herbert Olivecrona (1891–1980) singlehandedly founded Swedish neurosurgery. At the International Congress in Neurology in Bern in August, 1931, Harvey Cushing invited the cream of the world's medical society to a private banquet. Among the 28 specially invited guests was Herbert Olivecrona. At 40 years old, Olivecrona took his seat with pioneers such as Otfrid Foerster, Percival Bailey, Hugh Cairns, Geoffrey Jefferson, and Sir Charles Sherrington. This suggests that Cushing was impressed by the Swedish aristocrat's didactic deeds when he visited the Serafimer Hospital in Stockholm 2 years earlier. During the mid-1920's, the radiologist Erik Lysholm greatly improved the technique of ventriculography and, challenged by Olivecrona, his diagnostic neuroradiology became of superior quality. In the early 1930's, utilizing technical innovations of his own, Lysholm became a master at demonstrating and localizing posterior fossa tumors, which Olivecrona then operated on. Olivecrona's clinic became the mecca to which many scholars, thirsting for more knowledge, went on a pilgrimage. The international reputation of the clinic was founded, not on epoch-making discoveries, but by the resolute and practical application of methods already launched elsewhere and the exemplary organization that Olivecrona had established in collaboration with Lysholm. In spite of hardships and primitive working conditions, the clinic at the Serafimer Hospital gradually developed into the ideal prototype for a modern neurosurgical department. Olivecrona trained many colorful personalities who later were to lay the foundation for neurosurgery in their home countries; these included Wilhelm Tönnis of Germany, Edvard Busch of Denmark, and Aarno Snellman of Finland. Olivecrona was a true pioneer who made major contributions in practically all fields of conventional neurosurgery.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-171
Author(s):  
Ganesh R. ◽  
Naresh Gopal ◽  
Thiyagarajan S.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine industry herding among the institutional investors and to find whether their herding behaviour is intentional or unintentional. Design/methodology/approach The study uses Lakonishok et al. (1992) model to examine the presence of industry herding behaviour among institutional investors. To determine whether the herding observed is intentional or unintentional, herding measure is regressed with volatility, volume, beta and return. The period of the study is from 1 April 2005-31 March 2015. Findings The findings of the study showed that though institutional investors have herding tendency towards most of the industries, in the overall period industry herding was not significant. The herding found in some industrial sectors was linked to economic performance of those sectors in India during the period of study and hence the herding was unintentional in nature. Research limitations/implications This is the first attempt to study industry herding among institutional investors and their intent in Indian market ever since the country opened its market to foreign investors in a big way. Present study is limited to the use of only bulk/block data instead of the entire trading data for the period. Originality/value This study is the first attempt to investigate industry herding behaviour of institutional investors in the market using their bulk and block trading data. The herding observed in well performing industries has been shown to be unintentional and hence rational. The results indicate that the entry of big institutional investors, including foreign institutions into the Indian market has not destabilised the market by irrational herding.


2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 362-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Byong-Kuen Jhee

This study explores how economic performance prior to democratic transitions affects the fate of successors to authoritarian rulers in new democracies. It investigates 70 founding election outcomes, finding that successful economic performance under an authoritarian regime increases the vote share of successors. It also finds that the past economic performance of authoritarian rulers decreases the likelihood of government alternation to democratic oppositions. Interim governments that initiate democratic transition, however, are neither blamed nor rewarded for economic conditions during transition periods. This study concludes that electorates are not myopic and that economic voting is not a knee-jerk reaction to short-term economic performance in new democracies.


Significance The audit and wider structural economic reforms are preconditions for urgently needed foreign aid. Economic conditions in Lebanon are still worsening, with power cuts, food shortages and rising poverty. Impacts A new government would allow reform planning to resume and temporarily stall the decline of the currency. The easing of the global pandemic will somewhat reduce the financial strain, as Lebanon reopens its economy. Soaring poverty rates could provoke large-scale ‘bread riots’ in the coming months. Further devaluation of the currency will make poor Lebanese more dependent on sectarian protection and strengthen patronage. If the situation worsens, sectarian rural areas could revert to warlordism in the medium term.


Significance Demonstrations resumed on February 22, the second anniversary of the ‘Hirak’ movement that ousted President Abdelaziz Bouteflika from office. His successor, President Abdelmadjid Tebboune, has failed to appease the protest movement. On February 21, he announced the release of political prisoners, a partial cabinet reshuffle and the dissolution of parliament in anticipation of elections, but the measures appear to have been ineffective in staving off dissent. Impacts After the elections, Tebboune might have backing for economic reforms that would open the economy to foreign investors. As reserves have fallen to USD43bn, down from USD59bn in February 2020, Algiers may have to resort to external borrowing. Members of the old regime who survived the fall of Bouteflika might decide to fight back if Tebboune challenges their interests too much.


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