Namibia’s president faces increased election troubles

Significance Geingob faces a vigorous challenge from independent candidate Dr Panduleni Itula, who has capitalised on the ongoing ‘Fishrot’ corruption scandal that has engulfed the government and unnerved the ruling SWAPO party. Meanwhile, a legal challenge to the use of electronic voting machines (EVMs) risks delaying the poll. Impacts Populist policies on black economic empowerment, investment and land reform will continue to undermine wider investor confidence. Concerns about the reliability of EVMs may see the legitimacy of the election questioned. Lack of significant rainfall will worsen conditions for the quarter of the population requiring food aid amid an ongoing drought emergency.

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Omokolade Akinsomi ◽  
Katlego Kola ◽  
Thembelihle Ndlovu ◽  
Millicent Motloung

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the impact of Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BBBEE) on the risk and returns of listed and delisted property firms on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE). The study was investigated to understand the impact of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) property sector charter and effect of government intervention on property listed markets. Design/methodology/approach – The study examines the performance trends of the listed and delisted property firms on the JSE from January 2006 to January 2012. The data were obtained from McGregor BFA database to compute the risk and return measures of the listed and delisted property firms. The study employs a capital asset pricing model (CAPM) to derive the alpha (outperformance) and beta (risk) to examine the trend amongst the BEE and non-BEE firms, Sharpe ratio was also employed as a measurement of performance. A comparative study is employed to analyse the risks and returns between listed property firms that are BEE compliant and BEE non-compliant. Findings – Results show that there exists differences in returns and risk between BEE-compliant firms and non-BEE-compliant firms. The study shows that BEE-compliant firms have higher returns than non-BEE firms and are less risky than non-BEE firms. By establishing this relationship, this possibly affects the investor’s decision to invest in BEE firms rather than non-BBBEE firms. This study can also assist the government in strategically adjusting the policy. Research limitations/implications – This study employs a CAPM which is a single-factor model. Further study could employ a multi-factor model. Practical implications – The results of this investigation, with the effects of BEE on returns, using annualized returns, the Sharpe ratio and alpha (outperformance), results show that BEE firms perform better than non-BEE firms. These results pose several implications for investors particularly when structuring their portfolios, further study would need to examine the role of BEE on stock returns in line with other factors that affect stock returns. The results in this study have several implications for government agencies, there may be the need to monitor the effect of the BEE policies on firm returns and re-calibrate policies accordingly. Originality/value – This study investigates the performance of listed property firms on the JSE which are BEE compliant. This is the first study to investigate listed property firms which are BEE compliant.


Significance The PIC oversees approximately 142 billion dollars, mostly on behalf of the Government Employees Pension Fund (GEPF). While the GEPF’s assets are still comfortably greater than its liabilities, its surplus has been falling in recent years, with several questionable investments coming to light. Impacts Inquiry revelations could weaken support for government economic policies, such as prescribed assets, from traditional allies. The GEPF’s push to invest more funds overseas could have major implications for how much money the PIC manages and its future investments. The Commission's major long-term impacts could include a serious rethink of the ANC's black economic empowerment (BEE) economic policies.


2013 ◽  
pp. 1164-1185
Author(s):  
Karunanidhi Reddy ◽  
Renitha Rampersad

Broad-based black economic empowerment has been a central part of the South African government’s economic transformation strategy. The main purpose of BEE is to increase the number of black people that manage, own, and control the country’s economy, and as a result, to reduce income inequalities and to contribute to economic transformation in South Africa. During apartheid in South Africa, the government procurement system favoured large, established businesses and made it difficult for newly established businesses to participate in the procurement system. This chapter gives an overview of the Black Economic Empowerment policy as a means to achieve socio-economic transformation in South Africa by providing preferences for Historically Disadvantaged Individuals (HDIs) and small businesses, when making procurement decisions. It also examines how procurement is used as a policy tool by government while simultaneously ensuring that it does not contradict the constitutional right to equality. The chapter also explores the implications of the Preferential Public Procurement Framework Act (Act 5 of 2000) and the latest procurement regulations. Finally, it discusses the use of ICT and the vital role it plays in preferential procurement in South Africa.


Significance AA forms a core part of Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) -- a policy designed to address the racial inequalities inherited from the apartheid era. It is politically popular, but critics allege BEE facilitates graft and is costly for business. Impacts The main opposition Democratic Alliance's oscillation on whether it supports BEE will dissuade many black voters from supporting it. The opposition Economic Freedom Fighter's call for nationalisation of industry will resonate with unemployed black youths. The ANC will struggle to achieve its goal of creating '500 black industrialists' given the weak outlook for the economy.


2004 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Okechukwu C. Iheduru

This paper evaluates the evolution and the implementation of the ANC government's commitment to fostering a black capitalist class or black economic empowerment (BEE) as a non-racial nation-building strategy. A substantial black bourgeois i.e. and other middle classes begun to emerge over the last decade, contrary to popular perceptions. The legitimating role assigned to the emergent black bourgeoisie by the ANC and the government is, however, threatens to turn the strategy into a nepotistic accumulation. This development is paradoxically threatening to re-racialise the country, widening black inequality gaps, and precluding the rise of a black bourgeoisie with a nurture capitalist agenda. Other equally powerful social groups have begun to challenge the prevailing strategy, compelling the government to explore a more accommodating strategy exemplified by the recent introduction by the government of ‘broad-based economic empowerment’. Should a less patrimonial, less racially and ethnically divisive BEE strategy emerge from this quasi-pluralist power play, such a change holds prospects for the creation of a ‘growth coalition’ capable of sustainable capitalist development and true empowerment of the black majority. That would be a positive development in terms of establishing and consolidating democracy in South Africa.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (6(J)) ◽  
pp. 161-170
Author(s):  
Elvin Shava

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to assess if the Black Economic Empowerment act has brought new economic horizons for the historically disadvantaged South Africans, or it has contributed to further impoverishmentof the lower classes in communities. The paper based its argument on an extensive literature review which envisaged that, despite many years of its implementation, BEE has caused the emergence of classes resulting fromfraud and corruption, fronting, difficulties in registering status, political interference, and poor accountability strategies. The paper interrogates the implementation strategies of BEE in the local government context to assess whether historical imbalances have been addressed or not. The paper concludes that the government needs to revisit BEE as an economic empowerment policy to see whether it has benefited the black majority or not. The paper reiterates further that, BEE as a black economic emancipation blueprint requires proper implementation and alignment with other economic policies such as the National Development Plan to accelerate economic opportunities for the black majority. The paper recommends the government of South Africa through local municipalities to exercise monitoring and evaluation in the BEE procurement systems are prerequisites in safeguarding the manipulation and corrupt tendencies arising from the awarding of tenders in the local government.Key words: Black Economic Empowerment, South Africa, Challenges, Prospects


Subject Outlook for South Africa's gold sector. Significance Negotiations began on June 22 between the Chamber of Mines, representing five of the six major gold mining companies in South Africa, and a divided trade union movement. The talks take place in a context of conflict between companies and the government over Black Economic Empowerment requirements, bitter rivalry between mining sector unions, and inflationary pressures. Impacts The Marikana Commission report recommends policing reforms to better manage strikes and violence, but poor leadership makes this unlikely. Denuded gold resources are forcing miners to pursue expensive, deeper-level mining techniques, which pushes up costs. Fresh asset disposals by miners could provide opportunities for the mines ministry to push the development of a national mining 'champion'. The effect of rising inflation (6.1% is expected for 2016) on purchasing power is likely to reinforce unions' focus on wage increases.


Author(s):  
Sixta R. Kilambo

Background: The Minerals and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) and the Mining Charter, which both came into force in 2004, required white-owned and foreign-owned companies operating in the country to transfer 26% of the value of equity ownership and ensure that historically disadvantaged persons (HDSAs) attain 40% control of mine assets. The regulations are part of the broad-based black economic empowerment (B-BBEE) policy that seeks to transform the whole economy and enable black people to participate fully in all sectors of the economy after years of exclusion under apartheid laws. The inclusion of black people in the industry started with conglomerates unbundling mining houses in the early 1990s. Elsewhere such programmes succeed through selective government intervention. The South African government instead is pursuing a hands-off approach leaving HDSAs to survive under market mechanisms, which limits HDSAs’ chances of exploitation of opportunities.Aim: To explain challenges of attaining and sustaining equity target levels and highlight the extent to which black people own equity and mine assets, explore strategies used and reveal other realities in the implementation of the policy. These aims are met by exploring the ownership structures of white-owned, foreign-owned and black-owned companies and BEE deals concluded by them between the 1990s and 2015. It was also important to learn from the experiences of countries that pursued similar policies as a means of providing knowledge and information to policymakers and the general public.Setting: The study used a sample of 72 mining companies in South Africa operating in various mineral categories.Methodology: This article used a qualitative approach involving both secondary and primary data. Purposeful selective sampling was used to draw from all listed mining companies with a cut-off of July 2011. The market capitalisation of these were used to estimate equity targets owned by black people. Another 16 mining companies not listed were used to explore the strategies, challenges and other realities. This required exploring changes in shareholding structures and BEE deals concluded. Face-to-face structured interviews were conducted with a total of 35 executives, top management or their representatives from 27 companies, a few members of academia and government officials between 2012 and 2014.Results: Targets set by the MPRDA and the Mining Charter have not been met. Thus, little equity ownership has been transferred to black people. A broad category of black people have, however, benefited from BEE deals. These include individual companies, consortiums, communities and employee ownership schemes. To avoid risks, the sellers of mine assets host black people in separate companies, special purpose vehicles and holding companies. In general, lack of capital, dilution of black shareholding, indebtedness and limited expertise to run extractive ventures successfully challenge the survival of black-owned companies. Despite these problems, a few such companies are worth billions of rand.Conclusion: The success of empowerment policies that seek to offer selective preferences to enterprises elsewhere has depended on the government’s concerted efforts. These include establishing institutions to oversee policy execution and having financial and other supports. Challenges that black-owned mining companies face indicate a call for help. Unless the government intervenes and supports them there is a danger that white-owned and foreign-owned companies will completely buy back the assets once sold to black people resulting in a failure of the empowerment policy.


Author(s):  
Karunanidhi Reddy ◽  
Renitha Rampersad

Broad-based black economic empowerment has been a central part of the South African government’s economic transformation strategy. The main purpose of BEE is to increase the number of black people that manage, own, and control the country’s economy, and as a result, to reduce income inequalities and to contribute to economic transformation in South Africa. During apartheid in South Africa, the government procurement system favoured large, established businesses and made it difficult for newly established businesses to participate in the procurement system. This chapter gives an overview of the Black Economic Empowerment policy as a means to achieve socio-economic transformation in South Africa by providing preferences for Historically Disadvantaged Individuals (HDIs) and small businesses, when making procurement decisions. It also examines how procurement is used as a policy tool by government while simultaneously ensuring that it does not contradict the constitutional right to equality. The chapter also explores the implications of the Preferential Public Procurement Framework Act (Act 5 of 2000) and the latest procurement regulations. Finally, it discusses the use of ICT and the vital role it plays in preferential procurement in South Africa.


Significance Both Maimane and Mashaba had decried a seeming rightward shift in the formerly white-dominated DA, which struggled to make significant inroads in the May 2019 general election with the country’s majority black population. Impacts A new, white leader might stave off further losses with core voters but at the expense of gains with black voters. Race-based redress, black economic empowerment and diversity will continue to dominate internal debates ahead of an early party congress. A mooted new Maimane-Mashaba political movement would likely struggle to gain traction over the long term.


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