On the legitimacy and apoliticality of public sector performance audit: exploratory evidence from Canada and Denmark

PurposeThe increasing uptake of performance auditing (PA), which entails both the facilitation and the control of government policies, has seriously challenged state auditors' claims that they are apolitical. This article aims to understand how supreme audit institutions (SAIs) operate to maintain and nurture the political neutrality and legitimacy of their PA.Design/methodology/approachThe authors draw on Suchman's typology on legitimacy (1995) to analyze the PA reports of two countries with a long history of both performance auditing and accusations of political interference, namely Canada and Denmark. Documentary analysis and interview methods are employed.FindingsThis study shows how the two SAIs have been pursuing pragmatic, moral and cognitive legitimacy through the professionalization and standardization of both the form and the content of their PA reports. Engaging and maintaining the dialogue with the audited administration, triangulating recognized social science methods, and emphasizing the “public interest” basis of PA reflect some of the tools adopted to navigate the “grey zone” between objective, relevant and politically sensitive audits.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper's explorative approach limits the possibility for robust testing of the causal forces impinging on SAIs' choices of legitimation strategies. Nevertheless, variations between the Canadian and Danish SAIs in the strategic use of some legitimacy tools such as the media suggest a difference in the role of Public Accounts Committee in the two countries that can be investigated in future research.Originality/valueMuch research exists questioning the political neutrality of PA, yet there has not been much discussion on how SAIs have been able to develop and preserve the prevalent legitimacy of their PA amid the criticism. More specifically, our research reveals the tendency of both the Canadian and Danish SAIs to strategically underline the “public interest” dimension of their performance audits in an attempt to increase both their legitimacy and political neutrality.

Contribution of Mining Operations Towards Education, Healthcare, Food Security, Housing, Sports, and Recreation in Katanga Province of the DRC

Some resource-rich countries face challenges when it comes to the socio-economic development of its employees and the community at large. This study seeks to examine Gecamines' contribution to the socio-economic conditions of its employees based in the Lubumbashi area and to some extent the province of Katanga under the rubric of resource curse theory. Through this study, lessons can be learnt from the findings on how state-owned mining companies could work on improving their socio-economic contributions in the interest of the employees and the entire population through generated revenues for the state. The study employed a case study design with a qualitative approach research in its endeavour of exploring Gecamines' socio-economic contribution to its employees in the city of Lubumbashi and the development of Katanga Province as a whole. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with Gecamines' managers, unskilled mine workers, and the Provincial Department of Mines' officers in the city of Lubumbashi. The key findings from these interactions are that the company's low level of production caused by poor management, political interference, corruption, and poor institutions had negative ramifications on the socio-economic conditions of the workers. A remedy to these challenges lies in strengthening the country's institutions to fight corruption and poor management of parastatals. Autonomy of parastatals from political influence and control is also important to enable the company to play a crucial role in the socio-economic development of employees.

Factors affecting the performance of South African municipal officials: stakeholders’ perspectives

Since the inception of the democratically elected post-apartheid government, South Africa has experienced growing numbers of protests about inadequate provision of basic municipal services. Recent studies have revealed that the poor performance of municipal officials contributes towards poor municipal service delivery. This article is based on a study which used qualitative key stakeholder interviews to analyse the performance of South African municipal officials, specifically in the delivery of services. It found that the following inter-related factors were responsible for the lack of performance: an unsupportive institutional environment, negative power struggles, over-regulation, political interference, a tense and bureaucratic environment, lack of coherent management systems, absence of a culture of excellence, poor skill utilisation, poor oversight mechanisms, weak capacity to engage in collaborations, and lack of trust between councillors from different political parties. The study concludes that for South African municipalities to meet their constitutional obligations to deliver optimal basic services to the people, the government must, inter alia, invest in building the capacity of municipal officials through the development of skills and other crucial local government interventions and transformations. The municipalities should also depoliticise local government and promote non-partisan appointment of municipal officials.

ULOGA INSTITUCIJE OMBUDSMANA U BORBI PROTIV KORUPCIJE

It has been empirically confirmed that corruption has damaging effects on the stability of political institutions and economic growth undermining democracy and the rule of law. Traditional ombudsman has been seen as one of the institutional options for fighting corruption whereas its role and significance vary in different legal systems. In the countries with strong bureaucratic mentality, where people have higher expectations form this institution, and not without reason, ombudsman has been given a leading role in the anticorruption battle. The advantages of this institution lie in its accessibility and openness, authority and trust. Citizens can easily approach ombudsman with their issues and expect that they will be resolved in a prompt and efficient way, which is not the case with judiciary. The court procedures are rather slow and often inefficient and judges and prosecutors may be affected by judicial corruption and political interference, which is the valid reason for considering the ombudsman to have larger authority than traditionally assigned. Indeed, the ombudsman institution has a broad mandate to investigate the cases of illegal and inadequate work of administration and civil servants. In majority of cases, inadequate work of administration is the result of corrupt activities. In the public administration system, various bodies and agencies are not independent, but are rather under the supervision of the executive branch of power, while ombudsman is an independent institution which makes the citizens believe that their complaints or information will be treated according to law and the principles of equity.

The democratic deficit in South Korea: the democratic control of armed forces since 1993

This paper explains how South Korea's democracy has controlled the military since 1993. It reveals why the overpowered military has not faded even after the eradication of Hanahoe and the consolidation of democracy in South Korea in its aftermath. The democratic control over the military is examined focusing on: (1) budget, personnel, organization; (2) the judicial system; (3) security and defense policy; (4) personnel affairs, roles, and responsibilities; and an explanation based on laws and institutions, the strategy of key actors, and historical conditions of military confrontation. Under South Korea's democracy, the military budget, personnel, and organization are only partially controlled, leaving military commanders with jurisdiction over the military's judicial system. This is a result of legal and institutional limitations, as well as resistance from the Ministry of National Defense (MND) and the military. In matters of security and defense policy, the president has taken the initiative to revitalize obsolete systems through political compromise with the military. The primary means for the president to control the military has been the personnel management of the MND and the military. The military is likely to pledge its allegiance to the regime instead of citizens because the former has control over personnel affairs, which has frequently led to unofficial private groups of military officers and their political interference. This case in South Korea shows that the way society controls the military sows the very seeds of risk and allows us to rethink the challenges in controlling the military in a democracy.

Baraza: Social Networking and Sustainable Livelihood of Households in South-south Nigeria during the COVID-19 Pandemic

The outbreak of COVID-19 pandemic spiraled serious economic crisis to the households. While studies have largely focused on the formal mechanisms to cushion its effects on households’ livelihood, study on the informal mechanisms is still scanty. This study, therefore, examined the roles of Baraza as a Multipurpose Cooperative Society (MCS) during COVID-19 lockdown in Yenagoa City. The theory of planned behaviour was adopted, while a cross-sectional survey design was employed. A respondent-driven sampling was utilized to sample 380 respondents through Baraza MCS using a structured-questionnaire. Descriptive statistics and multiple linear regression were used as analytical strategy at p<0.05. Findings revealed that the majority were males, employed and had B.Sc/BA as educational qualification. It was further indicated that the majority had long-term plan (62%) in the scheme, as it served as an alternative source of income (54.7%), income diversification (55%), as well as a cushioning mechanism for COVID-19 pandemic (34.3%) among others. The predictor variables jointly predicted the level of satisfaction derived from the scheme during the pandemic at (R=0.33, R2=0.11; AdjR2=0.10, F(5,369)=9.23), while the average investment (β=.375, t=2.740), contributory platform (β=-.550, t=-2.360) and number of packages (β=.558, t=3.298) of respondents significantly predicted the level of satisfaction derived from the scheme. In spite of these, the fear of political interference (39.7%), interest reduction (38.4%), collapse (33.7%), etc. were the associated challenges with the scheme. It is imperative that the scheme are thoroughly supported and regulated by the concerned agencies in order to enhance its roles as alternative source of livelihood sustainability particularly during economic crisis.

Analysis of Various Factors Contributing To Police Corruption In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

Around the world police institution has been established for ensuring peace, enforcing law and protecting life and property of public. Policeplays a vital role in controlling crimes in society and their services are considered as good, but police corruption has also been occurred throughout history and therefore it is by no means a new phenomenon. In Pakistan too police are perceived as corrupt and there exist various social, economic, political and structural causes of police corruption.The multiplicity of these causes and its aftermaths in delivery of justice require immense research in the field. Looking into the issue the current study was conducted in province of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan to know the opinion of in-service police about prevalence of corruption in police department of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and the contributing factors which compel police personnel for corruption. Data was collected through structured questionnaires from in-service police, using purposive sampling techniques. The data collected from 150 respondents who were serving in police department.According to findings of the study 88.7% respondents opined that corruption prevails in police department of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The study identified low salaries, lack of accountability, recruitment through bribes, political patronage, corruption of senior officers, lack of public awareness and lack of resources as major causes of police corruption. To eliminate corruption from police department, the study suggestsstrict and unbiased accountability, increase in salaries, public awareness,discouraging political interference, establishment of an independent commission for controlling corruption and strict disciplinary action against those involved in corruption.

Digital Surveillance to Identify California Alternative and Emerging Tobacco Industry Policy Influence and Mobilization on Facebook

Growing popularity of electronic nicotine-delivery systems (ENDS) has coincided with a need to strengthen tobacco-control policy. In response, the ENDS industry has taken actions to mobilize against public health measures, including coordination on social media platforms. To explore this phenomenon, data mining was used to collect public posts on two Facebook public group pages: the California Consumer Advocates for Smoke Free Alternatives Association (CCASAA) and the community page of the Northern California Chapter of SFATA (NC-SFATA). Posts were manually annotated to characterize themes associated with industry political interference and user interaction. We collected 288 posts from the NC-SFATA and 411 posts from CCASAA. A total of 522 (74.7%) posts were categorized as a form of political interference, with 339 posts (64.9%) from CCASAA and 183 posts (35.1%) from NC-SFATA. We identified three different categories of policy interference-related posts: (1) providing updates on ENDS-related policy at the federal, state, and local levels; (2) sharing opinions about ENDS-related policies; (3) posts related to scientific information related to vaping; and (4) calls to action to mobilize against tobacco/ENDS policies. Our findings indicate that pro-tobacco social media communities on Facebook, driven by strategic activities of trade associations and their members, may act as focal points for anti-policy information dissemination, grass-roots mobilization, and industry coordination that needs further research.

Social and institutional presence of the Heads of Government of the Americas on Social Media

This article examined the personal profiles of the Heads of Government of countries in South/North America and how they communicated with their audiences on institutional measures to contain COVID-19. Analyses were carried out on data collected from Twitter from November-2019 to November-2020. This study includes: i)quantitative analysis, measuring categories and emphases in the communication of tweets, retweets, likes, and comments on matters relevant to the pandemic; ii)qualitative analysis that allowed evaluating speeches to identify political interference and the effectiveness of communication at critical moments of the pandemic. It was possible to infer that each president has his singularities and understanding about Social Media’s use as a more direct communication tool with his audience. It was also found that successful communication is not directly proportional to the volume of messages on Twitter, but to socio-political aspects and institutional leadership that can make a difference in Social Media in combating COVID-19.

Dominicans and Baseball

Baseball reflects the sacrifice, commitment, and determination that Dominicans displayed during foreign occupation (1916–1924; 1965–1966), dictatorship (1930–1961; 1966–1978), and the struggle for sovereignty. Success in international tournaments and as the birthplace of a majority of foreign-born players in Major League Baseball (MLB) fosters national pride and generates revenue. But baseball has also been marred bycorruption political interference and exploitation. After its late-19th-century arrival, baseball helped knit Dominicans together, overcoming geographic, racial, and class divisions. It became the national pastime during the first US occupation, when games against US forces asserted Dominican nationalism while anti-imperialist guerrillas battled in the mountains. Baseball encouraged a national identity based on competition and achievement. During baseball’s “Romantic Epoch,” men or boys of similar social standing organized teams and tournaments, sometimes recruiting top players regardless of race or class. Rivalries led teams to import players from Cuba and across the hemisphere, integrating the country into a transnational circuit of leagues and barnstorming. Interaction with other baseball-playing countries furthered competition for talent and led to Dominicans playing in the Negro Leagues. In the 1950s, factories, sugar mills, and the military sponsored clubs which competed in an amateur system that produced players like Juan Marichal and Manuel Mota. During the 1940s and 1950s, after US baseball integrated, competition for players pushed Latin American leagues to affiliate with MLB. Dominican organizers resumed national professional tournaments in 1951 and founded the Dominican Professional Baseball League in 1955. Financial and institutional support from Trujillo helped establish what became a baseball industry. Integration also brought opportunities for Dominicans in MLB, beginning with Ozzie Virgil in 1956 and Felipe Alou in 1958. Cuba’s prohibition of professional sport in 1961 coupled with the prominence of players like Alou and Juan Marichal drew attention to Dominican players. Over time, Dominicans developed prototype academies that now lie at the center of MLB’s player development system. More than a thousand Dominican recruits as young as sixteen train in these academies and compete in the Dominican Summer League with the goal of becoming major leaguers; most are released without leaving the island. While Dominican baseball has been a point of pride and opportunity for many Dominicans, it has also reflected the inequities of global capitalism. Despite criticism of the academy system for exploiting youth, tens of thousands seek the chance to play in the major leagues.