Does Transparency Inhibit Political Compromise?

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey J. Harden ◽  
Justin H. Kirkland
Keyword(s):  
Political Compromise

The Significance of the Consular Tribunate

1953 ◽  
Vol 43 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 30-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. S. Staveley
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Important Stage ◽  
Traditional Account ◽  
Political Compromise ◽  
The Military

Livy preserves two explanations of the Senatorial decision of 445 B.C. to suspend the election of consuls and to confer imperium consulare upon tribuni militum. One, which he himself accepts, is that it was a political compromise designed to appease agitation for plebeian representation in the consulship. The other is that the military situation demanded the appointment of at least three holders of imperium. Until some forty years ago the majority of scholars, even if ready to admit that the reform had military advantages, joined with Livy in laying the chief emphasis on the political motive. More recently, however, the tendency has been to disown the connection between the innovation and the struggle for office. The change is explained as necessitated wholly by growing military commitments or administrative needs. My purpose here is merely to defend once again the traditional account that the decision of 445 B.C. marked an important stage in the Struggle of the Orders and to remove the major difficulties which have discouraged its acceptance.

Hobbes: The Theoretical Basis of Political Compromise

Polity ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-76
Author(s):  
Francis Edward Devine
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Basis ◽  
Political Compromise

The Dynamics of Political Compromise

2000 ◽  
Vol 108 (3) ◽  
pp. 531-568 ◽  
Author(s):  
Avinash Dixit ◽  
Gene M. Grossman ◽  
Faruk Gul
Keyword(s):  
Political Compromise

Identity Sorting and Political Compromise

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 391-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas T. Davis
Keyword(s):  
Political Leaders ◽  
Left And Right ◽  
Political Compromise ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
The Relationship

In this article, I explore the relationship between sorting and the value that individuals assign to compromise. Analyzing four separate, nationally-representative surveys from 2007 to 2016, I show that a reliable asymmetry among partisans exists regarding their preference for political leaders who compromise. Among persons with right-leaning identities, high levels of overlap between partisanship and ideology undercut the professed desirability of compromise and amplify the association between compromise and selling out one’s principles. However, when individuals are asked about the specific extent to which one’s “side” deserves greater deference in the policymaking process, differences between persons with left- and right-leaning identities disappear. Well-sorted individuals are uniformly unwilling to distribute policymaking demands equally. Although this disconnect is emblematic of the general tension between abstract principles and episodic behavior (or “practicing what you preach”), it also highlights how the introduction of material threat may challenge expressive commitments to lofty ideals.

Gender-empathic Constructions, Empathy, and Support for Compromise in Intractable Conflict

2017 ◽  
Vol 62 (8) ◽  
pp. 1727-1752 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yossi David ◽  
Nimrod Rosler ◽  
Ifat Maoz
Keyword(s):  
Representative Sample ◽  
Opinion Survey ◽  
Public Opinion Survey ◽  
Intractable Conflict ◽  
Political Compromise ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Gender Traits ◽  
Levels Of Support ◽  
Significant Mediator

The goal of the present study was to investigate how empathy and gender-empathic constructions affect the levels of support for political compromise in an intractable conflict. Gender-empathic constructions relate to perceptions that individuals hold about self or others as having feminine-empathic gender traits. We hypothesized that empathy will be positively associated with support for compromise, but that perceiving one’s own group as feminine empathic will be negatively associated with such attitudes, with empathy being a significant mediator. Data were collected through a public opinion survey conducted with a representative sample of Israeli-Jewish adults ( N = 511). The findings supported our hypotheses, thus indicating that perceiving one’s own group as having feminine-empathic traits and empathy toward opponents made significant contributions to explaining Jewish-Israeli willingness to compromise with Palestinians. The implications of our findings for understanding the role of gender-empathic constructions and of empathy in conflict resolution are discussed.

scholarly journals The Struggle for World Dominationand the Great Eastern Crisis of 1875-1878

2019 ◽  
pp. 137-147
Author(s):  
Ivan Parvev
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Ottoman Empire ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Crimean War ◽  
German Empire ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Compromise ◽  
The Creation

The proposed analysis evaluates Russian and British policies during the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-78), with bilateral relations being placed in the context of the global hostility between England and Russia lasting from 1815 onwards. In the period between the end of the Crimean War (1853-56) and early 1870s there were serious changes in the balance of power in Europe, which was related to the creation of the German Empire in 1871. The possibility of Russian-German geopolitical union however was a bad global scenario for the United Kingdom. Because of this, English policy during the Great Eastern Crisis was not that strongly opposed to the Russia one, and did not support the Ottoman Empire at all costs. This made it possible to establish political compromise between London and St. Petersburg, which eventually became the basis of the Congress of Berlin in 1878.

Campaigns, Competition, and Support for Political Compromise

2020 ◽  
pp. 103-126
Author(s):  
Jennifer Wolak
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Data ◽  
Survey Data ◽  
Policy Outcomes ◽  
Compromise Solutions ◽  
Campaign Ads ◽  
Political Compromise

Campaigns draw people into the partisan practice of politics, through close competition, campaign ads, and calls to take sides. Yet the conflicts of contentious campaigns may do little to encourage compromise, instead leading voters to call on their representatives to deliver on their campaign promises. This chapter shows rather than close the door to compromise, conflicts instead serve as a reminder that other people want different things than we do in politics, disrupting people’s tendencies to assume most others agree with them. Analysis of survey data shows that people who live in states marked by close partisan divides are more likely to prefer a president who is willing to consider compromise. Experimental data confirm that when people learn that other Americans want different policy outcomes, they become more willing to consider compromise solutions.

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