The Significance of the Consular Tribunate

1953 ◽  
Vol 43 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 30-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. S. Staveley

Livy preserves two explanations of the Senatorial decision of 445 B.C. to suspend the election of consuls and to confer imperium consulare upon tribuni militum. One, which he himself accepts, is that it was a political compromise designed to appease agitation for plebeian representation in the consulship. The other is that the military situation demanded the appointment of at least three holders of imperium. Until some forty years ago the majority of scholars, even if ready to admit that the reform had military advantages, joined with Livy in laying the chief emphasis on the political motive. More recently, however, the tendency has been to disown the connection between the innovation and the struggle for office. The change is explained as necessitated wholly by growing military commitments or administrative needs. My purpose here is merely to defend once again the traditional account that the decision of 445 B.C. marked an important stage in the Struggle of the Orders and to remove the major difficulties which have discouraged its acceptance.

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
EkramBadr El-din ◽  
Mohamed Dit Dah Ould Cheikh

The current study tries to examine the military coups that have occurred in Turkey and Mauritania. These coups differ from the other coups that occurred in the surrounding countries in the phase of democratization as these coups served as a hindrance to the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania. The problem of the study revolves around the analysis of the coups that happened in Turkey and Mauritania in the phase of democratic transition. The research is designed to answer the following question: what are the reasons that prompted the military establishment to intervene in political life in the shadow of the process of democratization in Turkey and Mauritania? The study aims at understanding reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life. To discuss this phenomenon and achieve the required results, the analytical descriptive approach is adopted for concluding key results that may contribute to understand reasons that pushed the military establishment to intervene in the political life in Turkey and Mauritania in the aftermath democratization occurred in the two countries. The study concluded that the military establishment in both countries engaged in the political action and became ready to militarily intervene in the case of harming its interests and acquisitions. 


Author(s):  
Mónica Ricketts

The final chapter discusses in parallel the political histories of Spain and Peru in the final years of imperial rule in South America. Peru did not experience a long national struggle and lacked large elites committed to independence. As in the old metropolis, a constant and violent struggle between men of letters and military officers dominated. After decades of military reform and war, army officers with experience in command and government felt entitled to rule. Old subjects and new citizens were also accustomed to seeing them lead. Men of letters, on the other hand, found limited opportunities to exercise their new authority despite their ambitions. Additionally, both in Spain and Peru, liberal men of letters failed to create a new institutional order in which the military would be subjected to civilian rule. It would take decades for both parts of the former Spanish monarchy to accomplish that goal and allow for peace.


2004 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Czajka

O golpe militar de abril de 1964 determinou-se como um marco decisivo na história política e cultural da sociedade brasileira. A proposição tem sido aceita não somente pela forma como ficou conhecida a estrutura do Estado após o advento das forças militares na cena política, mas pela intensa atividade cultural e artística por parte de intelectuais e artistas na década de 1960. Em geral, essa condição procura incutir uma certa unidade referencial nos movimentos artístico-culturais, que tinham como espelho a conduta política do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) – partido proeminente no período em questão. Embora o PCB tivesse adesão de inúmeros artistas e intelectuais, que procuravam firmar oposição ao regime e à política exercida pelos militares. Havia, por outro lado, um contingente de professores, escritores, jornalistas, poetas, diretores, atores e atrizes, entre outros, que faziam resistência sem efetivamente vincularem-se ao PCB. O chamado “pecebismo” era um elemento presente entre esse grupos, mas nunca respondeu necessariamente pela unidade (como numa “frente única”) ou articulação dos mesmos. Assim pode ser caracterizada, por exemplo, a ação do Comando dos Trabalhadores Intelectuais e da Revista Civilização Brasileira entre 1963-1968, nos quais constata-se a formação de um campo heterogêneo com disputas de projetos e debate de idéias que favoreceram a formação de uma esfera cultural crítica e abrangente. Redesigning ideologies: culture and politics at the time of a coup Abstract The military blow of April of 1964 was determined as a decisive landmark in the political and cultural history of the Brazilian society. The proposal has been accepted not only for the form as the advent of the military forces in the scene was known the structures of the State after politics, but for the intense cultural and artistic activity on the part of intellectuals and artists in the decade of 1960. In general, this condition looks for to infuse a certain referencial unit in the artistic-cultural movements, that had as mirror the political behavior of Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) – broken prominent in the period in question. Although the PCB had adhesion of innumerable artists and intellectuals, who worked to firm opposition to the regimen and the politics exerted for the military. There was, on the other hand, a contingent of professors, writers, journalists, poets, directors, actors and actresses, among others, that made resistance without associating the PCB effectively to it. The called “pecebismo” was a present element among these groups, but it never answered necessarily for the union (as in a “frente única”) or joint of the same ones. Thus it can be characterized, for example, the action of the Comando dos Trabalhadores Intelectuais and the Revista Civilização Brasileira between 1963-1968, in which the formation of a heterogeneous field with disputes of projects is established, with debate of ideas that had favored the formation of a critical and including cultural sphere.


1971 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. C. C. Law

This paper examines the internal disputes which the Ọyọ kingdom suffered during the eighteenth century, and which had as their ultimate issue a coup d'état in ca. 1796 which is traditionally held to mark the beginning of the disintegration of the kingdom. The troubles began with a conflict within the capital of the kingdom, between the Alafin (king) and the Ọyọ Mesi, a group of non-royal chiefs led by the Baṣọrun, and the first phase of the troubles culminated in 1754 in a seizure of power by the Baṣọrun. It is suggested that this struggle between the Alafin and his chiefs had its origins in competition for control of the new sources of wealth derived from the expansion of the kingdom. In 1774 the Alafin overthrew the Baṣọrun and recovered power in the capital by calling in the assistance of the subject towns of the kingdom. It is argued that this action proved fatal to the Ọyọ kingdom, by involving the rulers of the provincial towns in the political disputes of the capital and revealing the military impotence of the divided capital. In ca. 1796 the provincial rulers intervened at the capital on the other side, assisting the Baṣọrun to overthrow the Alafin. But the coalition of dissident metropolitan chiefs and dissident provincial chiefs immediately broke up, and many of the latter began to disregard the divided capital and make themselves independent.


ملخص: سعت الدراسة لرصد وتحليل خصائص وسمات التغطية الإخبارية لقضايا الأسرى الفلسطينيين المضربين عن الطعام في النشرات الإخبارية الرئيسية بالفضائيات الفلسطينية والعربية، وقد اعتمدت على منهج المسح فيما يتعلق بالنشرات الإخبارية في قناة فلسطين وقناة الجزيرة باستخدام صحيفة تحليل المضمون، من خلال المسح بالعينة للنشرات الإخبارية الرئيسية لمدة ثلاثة وستين يوماً وهى مدة الإضراب من تاريخ 23/4/2014م وحتى 25/6/2014م. اتضح من خلال نتائج الدراسة أن القنوات الفضائية أعطت اهتماماً كبيراً لأخبار الأسرى الفلسطينيين المضربين عن الطعام وقضاياهم بنشراتها الإخبارية مع تفاوت نسب الاهتمام من قناة إلى أخرى، فجاءت الأحداث والقضايا الاجتماعية والنفسية في مقدمة تلك القضايا، يليها القضايا الأمنية، ثم القضايا السياسية، فالقضايا الاقتصادية، وأخيراً القضايا العسكرية. ركزت قناة الجزيرة على عرض أحداث الأسرى الفلسطينيين وقضاياهم باستخدام خبر واحد فقط بالاعتماد على أكثر من شكل إخباري، في حين ركزت قناة فلسطين على تقديم أكثر من خبرين في النشرة الواحدة باستخدام الخبر والتقرير المصاحب له، كما تنوع الشكل الإخباري المستخدم في القنوات عينة الدراسة، فجاء على رأسها تقديم الخبر عن طريق مذيع مع تقارير المراسلين، وتراجع نقل الخبر مباشرة من موقع الحدث إلى الترتيب الأخير، واتضح أن هناك ارتفاعاً في نسبة اعتماد هذه القنوات على مصادرها الذاتية في معالجتها الإخبارية لهذه القضايا. تنوعت عناصر التعبير المرئية والصوتية المستخدمة في تقديم قضايا الأسرى، وتمثل ذلك باستخدام تقارير المراسلين وتقارير الأستوديو، كما تنوعت عناصر الإبراز المستخدمة في تقديمها، مما يدلل على الأهمية النسبية التي تحظى بها هذه القضايا في المعالجة الإخبارية بالفضائيات الفلسطينية والعربية. الكلمات المفتاحية: الأسرى الفلسطينيين، إضراب الأسرى عن الطعام، قناة فلسطين، قناة الجزيرة، التغطية الإخبارية. Abstract This study seeks to record and analyze the properties and the characteristics of The news coverage of the cases of the Palestinian Prisoners’ Hunger Strike in the basic newscasts broadcasted in the Palestinian and Arab SatelliteChannels. The study used the survey methodology for the sample of the newscasts broadcasted on Palestine Channel and Al Jazeera News Channel to analyze the coverage of the cases of the prisoners’ hunger strike mentioned in the newscasts by using the content analysis sheet. The two satellite channels gave a large interest in the news and the cases of the Palestinian prisoners’ hunger strike with the variance in the interest percentages from a channel to the other. The news and the social and psychological cases came at the top of the cases of the Palestinian prisoners’ hunger strike, followed by a coverage for the security cases, the political cases, the economical cases and finally the military cases. The results revealed an increase in the dependence on self-sources in the news coverage in both channels. In addition, the results reported an absence of dependence on the Palestinian media sources in Al Jazeera Channel while Palestine Channel depended on and transferred from the Israeli Media Sources in its news coverage for the cases of the prisoners. Keywords: Palestine Channel, Al Jazeera Channel, News Coverage, Palestinian Prisoners’ Hunger Strike, Satellite Newscasts.


Twejer ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 259-294
Author(s):  
Rezan Q. Abdullah Ghafury ◽  
◽  
Qader Mohammad Hassan ◽  

Carduchoi located in the Upper Mesopotamia in the area where the Taurus and Zagros Ranges met, it had a strategic location, several cities and towns built along the narrow valleys and plains along the Tigris river and its branches there. On the other hand, the area surrounded with high ranges of Carduchoi like (Judi Dag), these high mountains made a natural boundary and make the area inaccessible except from the mountain gorges and passes. These passes and gorges were the routes of the caravans and the military campaigns. After the fall of the Median Empire, the land of Carduchoi laid under the Achaemenid hegemony in 547BCE when Cyrus the Great crossed the Tigris and went up to Anatolia through Carduchoi. This paper deals with the political and cultural aspects of Carduchoi and the military and political unrests of the area in this period, discussing the real hegemony of the Achaemenids on Carduchoi, the role of the Carduchois in the revolts against Darius I, the Carduchois resists against the 10 thousands Greek retreat in the Xenophon’s Anabasis, and the relations of the Carduchois with their neighbors, the Achaemenids, and the Greeks.


2000 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 113-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ioanna Kralli

It has been a widespread belief among historians of antiquity that Athens’ importance on the political scene declined rapidly after 338, and especially after 322; Athens, so it is assumed, succumbed to the will of Alexander and, later on, of his Diadochoi. Of course, it cannot be denied that Athens found itself in a very precarious and sometimes impossible position. Yet the attitudes of Athens towards one king or the other, as well as its status, vary considerably until 261, the end of the Chremonidean War against Antigonos Gonatas, king of Macedon.Certain aspects of the Athenian relationship with the various monarchs are reflected in the decrees of the assembly, passed in honour of royal officials, as well as in the decrees conferring the highest honours (proedria of the games, sitesis in the Prytaneion, and a statue) upon Athenian citizens who belonged to a king's court. My purpose is to examine precisely the image that Athens projects through the above-mentioned decrees with regard to its relations with the various rulers and their officials; and these in relation to its perception of its own position on the military and political scene on different historical occasions.


1997 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-425 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Quataert

In 1826, Sultan Mahmud II orchestrated the slaughter of 6,000–7,000 janissaries and, in order to incinerate any janissary remnants that had taken refuge there, burned the Belgrade Forest outside Istanbul. During his reign (1808–39), the sultan attacked many of the other bases of the ancien régime, such as the timar system, the lifetime tax farms, and the political autonomy of provincial notables. He also centralized the pious foundations, brought them under a special ministry, and expropriated their revenues. Such stories of Sultan Mahmud's dramatic and violent policies, as well as their 18th-century origins and their 19th-century legacies, are familiar ones in Ottoman and Middle Eastern history. It is a commonplace that Sultan Mahmud aimed to dismantle the power of the military and religious classes in favor of a new bureaucracy of administrators and scribes. And it is also known that his efforts had a major impact on the subsequent evolution of the Tanzimat reform programs during the later 19th century.


1989 ◽  
Vol 45 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 154-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veena Kukreja

Students of civil-military relations, particularly those in the developing countries, admit having to work on myopic assumptions, meagre data, sloppy conceptualization and inelegant explanations. The relative newness of this area of studies could be one reason for this. The study of civil-military relations in the narrow sense referring mainly to military coups and interventions, has attained importance after World War II. But the study of civil-military relations in the broader perspective of multiplicity of relationships between military men, institutions and interests, on the one hand, and diverse and often conflicting non-military organizations and political personages and interests on the other, has begun to draw academic interest only in the last two decades or so. In the twentieth century, the armed forces, being an universal and integral part of a nation's political system, no longer remain completely aloof from politics in any nation. If politics is concerned, in David Easton's celebrated words, with the authoritative allocation of values and power within a society, the military as a vital institution in the polity can hardly be wished out of participatory bounds, at least for legitimate influence as an institutional interest group with a stake in the political decision-making. The varying roles the military may play in politics range from minimal legitimate influence by means of recognized channels inherent in their position and responsibilities within the political system to the other extreme of total displacement of the civilian government in the forms of illegitimate overt military intervention in politics. This paper seeks to attempt an overview of the existing scholarship on civil-military relations; second, it examines civil-military relations in the world with special reference to major political systems of the world; third, it surveys the literature on civil-military relations in general, and finally, it attempts to develop a general, complex, and hopefully fruitful causal model for analyzing the dynamics of civil-military relations; exploring implications for future research on civil-military relations.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


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