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Published By Institute Of Slavic Studies Of The Russian Academy Of Sciences

2618-8570

2019 ◽  
pp. 137-147
Author(s):  
Ivan Parvev

The proposed analysis evaluates Russian and British policies during the Great Eastern Crisis (1875-78), with bilateral relations being placed in the context of the global hostility between England and Russia lasting from 1815 onwards. In the period between the end of the Crimean War (1853-56) and early 1870s there were serious changes in the balance of power in Europe, which was related to the creation of the German Empire in 1871. The possibility of Russian-German geopolitical union however was a bad global scenario for the United Kingdom. Because of this, English policy during the Great Eastern Crisis was not that strongly opposed to the Russia one, and did not support the Ottoman Empire at all costs. This made it possible to establish political compromise between London and St. Petersburg, which eventually became the basis of the Congress of Berlin in 1878.


2019 ◽  
pp. 168-184
Author(s):  
Iskra Churkina

The article describes the causes of the Great Eastern Crisis of 1875-1878 and the Western powers and Russia's attitude to it. Much attention is paid to the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 and the reasons for its different perception by the Russian government and public, especially Slavophile circles of Russia. The author pays special attention to I.S. Aksakov and V.A. Cherkassky activities performed at the time.


2019 ◽  
pp. 325-341
Author(s):  
Natalia Strunina-Borodina

The article is devoted to a diffi cult period in the history of Montenegro after the Congress of Berlin of 1878, when the young Balkan state was offi cially recognised an independent from the Ottoman Empire. Montenegro sought, fi rst of all with the help of its faithful patron Russia, the implementation of the peace treaty articles concerning border demarcation between the Principality and Turkey. Due to the Turkish unwillingness to transfer the territories established by the agreement to Montenegro, this process turned out to be rather complicated, and eventually it дштпукув on for several years and was accompanied by recurrent military clashes. All these plots were described in detail in «Niva», an illustrated magazine published in Saint Petersburg, very popular in Russia at the time.


2019 ◽  
pp. 290-309
Author(s):  
Olga Sokolovskaya

This article is a brief overview of the Greeks' consistent state activities to expand their territory, guided by nationalist principles, which proceeded over a hundred years in the 19th and early 20th century.


2019 ◽  
pp. 479-499
Author(s):  
Elena Guskova

The article is devoted to the times when the foreign policy of the USSR in relation to socialist countries changed, and the “Gorbachev Doctrine” appeared in perestroika. M. S. Gorbachev was actively engaged in foreign policy issues, lying his particular attention to Europe. The author tries to fi nd an answer to the question: to what extent was he interested in the Balkans? To answer this question, the author refers to one of the signifi cant events of that time - M. S. Gorbachev's visit to Yugoslavia in 1988. It was then when the foundations of the country's Balkan policy were laid, which manifested itself in the 1990s. The visit gave Mikhail Gorbachev an opportunity to get to know Yugoslavia better, to get a better idea of the life of the peoples of this country, to feel the love of the Yugoslavs for Russia and the Russian people. As Gorbachev's close party comrades supposed, it was during the years of perestroika that a full understanding was reached between the leadership of the USSR and Yugoslavia. The contents of the conversations, and the fi nal documents gave the Yugoslav side the assurance that mutual understanding reached will in case of possible difficulties allow it to be provided with Soviet help and support. It is this kind of assistance that Yugoslavia would need in two years, when the country began to fall apart, when Slovenia and Croatia decided to leave the Federation on their own and received full support from Germany and the United States. But Moscow refused to help.


2019 ◽  
pp. 240-257
Author(s):  
Olga Petrunina
Keyword(s):  

The article deals with the events of the Great Eastern Crisis, which took place in the 1870s, covered by the newspaper «Βυζαντίς» that appeared to be one of few Greek newspapers in Constantinople coming out regularly at that time. Dimitrios Xenis's attitude, who was its owner and chief editor, was de-termined by the need to keep balance between his loyalty to the Great Porte and his wish to preserve good relations with Russia. One more factor affecting the paper's course was its sympathy to the expansionist endeavours of the Kingdom of Greece.


2019 ◽  
pp. 271-290
Author(s):  
Lyudmila Kuzmicheva

Serbia became an independent state after the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878. Relations between the Russian Empire and the Serbian Principality deteriorated on the eve of the signing of the Treaty of Berlin. This was largely due to the personal position of the Serbian Prince Milan. Serbian leadership considered it impossible to support Russia in the event of a new war. For the Russian side, the unwillingness of the Serbian side to follow Russia's recommendations was unexpected. Serbian historiography has long argued that this position of Serbia was due to the infringement of Serbian national interests in the course of signing of the Treaty of San Stefano. Serbian territorial claims were not satisfied, and the creation of Greater Bulgaria seemed unfair to the Serbs. However, sources indicate that the rejection of consultations with Russia occurred not only for this reason. Prince Milan took a determined course for an Alliance with Austria-Hungary and a break-up with Russia. This is recognised by modern Serbian historiography. The departure from consultations with the Russian Empire and the rapprochement with the Habsburg monarchy largely determined the nature of Serbia's state-building, as well as its relations with neighbouring Balkan States. Serbia gained the status of an independent state, but at the same time became dependent on its Northern neighbour - Austria-Hungary.


2019 ◽  
pp. 310-324
Author(s):  
Varvara Khlebnikova

The article deals with the activities of the Russian diplomat A.S. Ionin working as au Consul General in Dubrovnik, and the fi rst Russian resident minister in the Montenegrin principality afterwards in 1878. Ionin was not only the initiator and creator of the mission in Cetinje. He actively helped the Montenegrin government to develop a framework for foreign policy after the signing of the San Stefano and Berlin treaties. He also analyzed the post-war situation in the Balkan Peninsula and contributed to the development of the status quo policy to consolidate Russia's successes achieved in the war of 1877-78 and neutralize the unfavourable political consequences of the concessions made under pressure from the European powers at the Congress of Berlin.


2019 ◽  
pp. 403-423
Author(s):  
Iliyana Atanasova (Marcheva)
Keyword(s):  

Considering anniversaries as part of the so-called «politics of memory» executed by the state which in fact is a tool used to construct Bulgarian identity, the author analyses three celebrations, i.e. the 130th (2008), the 135th (2013) and the 140th (2018) anniversaries of the end of the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 that took place in Bulgaria in the form of national events. The article shows gradual formation of the offi cial interpretation of ‘March 3rd' that proceeded from 1991 to 2018 as well as attitudes of historians and expert discussions' contents. Special attention is paid to the three international conferences devoted to Liberation of Bulgaria that took place in 2008-2018. It is concluded that the anniversaries in question refl ect the official «politics of memory» exercised in Bulgaria taking into account all stages of modern Bulgaria-Russia relations (normalization, cooling, stagnation) and the authorities' desire not to come down to outspoken Russophobia.


2019 ◽  
pp. 120-136
Author(s):  
Oleg Alpeev

The article considers Russia planning a war against the coalition of Great Britain, Austria-Hungary and Turkey in 1878. When the Russo-Turkish war of 1877-1878 was over, the Russian high military command attempted to resolve the Eastern Question and seize the Strait of Bosphorus and Constantinople. Having faced the opposition from Great Britain and Austria-Hungary, the Rus-sian command hesitated to capture Constantinople and the Bosphorus, which led to Russia's failure at the Congress of Berlin. War plans worked out by the General Staff and two-star general N.N. Obruchev, meant to help conduct military operations in the Balkans and Galicia were never realised.


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