Ottawa, 1857–1860: the making of Canada's capital city on the eve of Confederation

Canadian historiography has long regarded the choice and elaboration of Ottawa as a capital city in the mid-nineteenth century as a political compromise between Ontario (Canada West) and Quebec (Canada East). This article suggests that this view be reconsidered in the context of Canada's expansion westward and the dispossession of Indigenous lands. The key goal of this article is to provide a comprehensive analysis of transforming Ottawa into a capital city in 1857–60, including not only its choice as the seat of government but also the elaboration of Canada's Parliament Buildings, which were to become the key symbol of its future statehood, as well as the visit of the prince of Wales to Ottawa in 1860. The prince's visit allowed the city to be legitimized and inaugurated as the new seat of government.

Between incrementalism and revolution: How the GDPR right to data portability is revamped by the EU and the UK post Brexit

The right to data portability is facing a new lease of life not long after the GDPR takes effect. post Brexit, the EU and the UK have respectively released blueprints for making this right truly work for data subjects. This means that the undue constraints imposed on this right as a result of political compromise will be lifted, albeit not by revising GDPR provisions. This chapter seeks to map, evaluate and compare the revamping endeavours at both EU and UK levels. By navigating through a plethora of legislative proposals, policies and reviews, it shows that the two jurisdictions are embracing contrasting approaches and thus facing rather distinct challenges. The instruments used, purposes pursued, and how exactly the right is revamped differ greatly, thus calling for a comparative observation. It is argued that the EU could only vitalise the right after turning away from its conceptual maze and attending to the real needs of consumers. The UK should be commended for its stress on consumer needs and agency building but, as a double-edged sword, this approach also prompts a slippery slope towards lowered protection, which should be treated with caution.

Between incrementalism and revolution: How the GDPR right to data portability is revamped by the EU and the UK post Brexit

The right to data portability is facing a new lease of life not long after the GDPR takes effect. Post Brexit, the EU and the UK have respectively released blueprints for making this right truly work for data subjects. This means that the undue constraints imposed on this right as a result of political compromise will be lifted, albeit not by revising GDPR provisions. This chapter seeks to map, evaluate and compare the revamping endeavours at both EU and UK levels. By navigating through a plethora of legislative proposals, policies and reviews, it shows that the two jurisdictions are embracing contrasting approaches and thus facing rather distinct challenges. The instruments used, purposes pursued, and how exactly the right is revamped differ greatly, thus calling for a comparative observation. It is argued that the EU could only vitalise the right after turning away from its conceptual maze and attending to the real needs of consumers. The UK should be commended for its stress on consumer needs and agency building but, as a double-edged sword, this approach also prompts a slippery slope towards lowered protection, which should be treated with caution.

What Is Cultural Cognition, and Why Does It Matter?

By all accounts, we currently live in a polarized political state in which virtually every fact is contestable. From climate change to vaccine efficacy, people feel free to choose their own facts to support politically charged arguments. Partisans in every area of American life are unable to agree on the basic assumptions underlying political debate. Research on cultural cognition demonstrates that people's political and cultural commitments shape how they process information from news sources, scientists, and public officials, thereby dictating which policies they support and which ones they oppose. When partisan loyalties determine what evidence people will accept, political compromise becomes difficult or even impossible. All is not lost, however. Cultural cognition has a powerful influence, but facts are stubborn things. In some areas of public debate, facts and evidence have overcome political divides. Furthermore, an understanding of the influence of cultural cognition can facilitate remedies to partisanship. This article examines the research that demonstrates the extent of cultural influences on people's understanding of public debates, identifies the limits of cultural cognition, and describes the extent to which cultural cognition itself provides keys to breaking down partisan divides. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Law and Social Science, Volume 17 is October 2021. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.

Middle class: ways of defining and the special case of China

Many ways of classifying themiddle class more or less reflect the level of local prices, historical background or social aspects. The middle class is generally considered one of the main pillars of the market economy without which achieving and maintaining political stability would be impossible. This is based on the assumption that middle-class members prefer rational political decisions, reject political extremism and prefer political compromise. At the same time, however, the middle class has rising expectations and can therefore be a significant factor in political change. The Chinese middle class has one distinct difference over Western countries. While the middle class in the Western countries is the enemy of the regime and the trigger for democratization, the Chinese middle class has often very close relations with the ruling party. This article aims to show themajor approaches to define the middle class, respectively, thedeeper sociological meaning of the class in general and specifically in China. Thearticle is based on literary research, and apart from theoretical part defining middle class, it describes challenges Chinese middle class is facing. Themaincontribution ofthearticleis thecleardescription of the theoretical concept ofthemiddle class andtheidentification ofdifferentiatingfactors anddeterminants oftheChinese middle class.

Do Presidential Primary Debates Increase Political Polarization?

This study presents the results of a quasi-experiment to assess the effects of viewing a strategically manipulated portion of a 2020 Democratic Primary debate. Our aim was to assess the polarizing potential of primary debates on both ingroup (Democratic) and outgroup (Republican) viewers. Viewing the primary debate resulted in less perceived closeness with members of the opposing political party, greater feelings of social distance, and more attribution of malevolent intentions. These effects were consistent regardless of whether the viewer was a member of the political ingroup (Democrats) or outgroup (Republicans). Conversely, there was no effect of debate viewing on evaluations of outparty candidates (with respect to negative trait attributions or lower feeling thermometer evaluations)., nor did support for political compromise change as a result of viewing the debate. Both Democrats and independents reported improved evaluations of participating candidates, though Republican evaluations did not change.

Hong Kong’s Socio-economic and Political Challenges: The Future of One Country, Two Systems

Socioeconomic and political developments in Hong Kong always hang on a balance of contending interests as well as a skillful management of tensions and contradictions inherent in a delicate social system that promised to accommodate capitalism vs. socialism and authoritarian Beijing vs. liberal Hong Kong. Given that One Country, Two Systems (OCTS) was an outcome of a political compromise, it would be difficult to meet all the expectations of different parties. Indeed, there are gaps and missing pieces in OCTS. And there is unfinished business as well. This paper is an attempt to analyze the current impasse of Hong Kong society from a longer perspective and to unravel the tensions and contradictions in the OCTS design.

Ukrainian Representation In The Galician Regional Seimas: Legal Status And Powers

The scientific article deals with the processes related to the historical experience of Ukrainians in the activities of the Galician Regional Seimas as an important stage in the struggle for the formation of civil society structures. The author examines the legal status and powers of Ukrainian deputies in the Galician Regional Sejm; characterizes the list of requirements that were set for ambassadors (the name of the position of deputy) in order to be elected; a list of grounds that made the election impossible; rights and responsibilities of deputies and activities in the Seimas, etc. Ukrainian ambassadors to the regional Sejm were representatives of the region’s interests. From the very beginning of their activity they affirmed the national identity of Galicians, fought for their socio-economic, national-political and cultural- educational rights, took an active part in the formation of language-educational and electoral legislation, as well as in the activities of national parliamentary institutions. In general, the National Seimas was interpreted as a field of struggle for national equality and, thus, awakened the national consciousness of broad sections of the population. The creation and activity of the Galician Seimas became an important experience for Ukrainians on the way to forming their own concept of national statehood and an effective place for gaining political experience. Studying and analyzing the facts from the historical past ofUkraine, it is necessary to make a clear understanding of the aspirations of Ukrainians to create their own independent, conciliar, nationally worthy state with all its attributes. It is the events of the late nineteenth - early twentieth century. in Eastern Galicia and the activities of Ukrainian ambassadors in the Galician Regional Sejm were the key moments in confirming the state-building consciousness of the Ukrainian population of the region and the ability to find a political compromise at the right time.