scholarly journals Unions and Collective Bargaining in the Wake of the Great Recession: Evidence from Portugal

2016 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 551-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
John T. Addison ◽  
Pedro Portugal ◽  
Hugo Vilares
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 149-169
Author(s):  
Daniel Pérez del Prado

Decentralisation of collective bargaining has been one of the key trends concerning labour market regulation of the last decades. Most of European countries have developed – with different breath and scope – procedures and reforms to strengthen the company level of bargaining. The Great Recession has stressed this orientation, particularly in those countries which were under financial pressure. This paper focuses on the cases of four Mediterranean countries – France, Italy, Spain, and Portugal – in order to assess how decentralisation has been carried out and, most importantly, what kind of practical results have been achieved. On the base of these outcomes, it highlights how the debate concerning the structure ofcollective bargaining is changing from a black or white perspective to a new one in which mixed models are possible if the whole system is coordinated, taking into consideration the type of collective bargaining model set in the country.  


Author(s):  
Santos M. Ruesga ◽  
María Isabel Heredero de Pablos ◽  
Julimar Da Silva Bichara ◽  
Laura Pérez Ortiz ◽  
Ana Viñas Apaolaza ◽  
...  

2012 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
pp. 612-632 ◽  
Author(s):  
Étienne Cantin

SummarySince the onset of the Great Recession, anti-union conservatives have been hammering out an arguably bogus yet politically potent argument: collective bargaining with government workers is unaffordable as their wages, health benefits, and pensions are driving states into deficits. Whilst evidence does not support the politically motivated attacks on public sector workers and their unions, a confluence of political-economic factors has been abetting efforts to scapegoat public employees and their unions.The first section of this essay places the 2011 wave of anti-public-sector-collective-bargaining statutes in its broad political and economic context. Whilst resulting from a longstanding hostility of the USA’s conservative movement to unionism and collective bargaining, recent anti-public-sector-collective-bargaining statutes are also the outcome of three political-economic developments galvanising anti-union GOPers—first, the fact that most US union members are now government workers, which makes it easier for anti-unionists to characterize them as a “privileged” elite; second, the Great Recession and ensuing deficit crisis; and third, the rousing of the conservative movement that led to the 2010 electoral “shellacking” of the Democrats. The second section focuses specifically on Wisconsin and argues that what is going on there ought to be seen for what it is: an attempt to exploit the economic crisis to win an eminently political victory over organised labour and allied Democrats.


AERA Open ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 233285841985508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katharine O. Strunk ◽  
Bradley D. Marianno

This article examines how teacher collective bargaining agreements (CBAs), teacher salaries, and class sizes changed during the Great Recession. Using a district-level data set of California teacher CBAs that includes measures of subarea contract strength and salaries from 2005–2006 and 2011–2012 tied to district-level longitudinal data, we estimate difference-in-difference models to examine bargaining outcomes for districts that should have been more or less fiscally constrained. We find that unions and administrators change critical elements of CBAs and district policy during times of fiscal duress. This includes increasing class sizes, reducing instructional time, and lowering base salaries to relieve financial pressures and negotiating increased protections for teachers in areas with less direct financial implications, including grievance procedures and nonteaching duties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph A. McCartin ◽  
Marilyn Sneiderman ◽  
Maurice BP-Weeks

This article examines both the Bargaining for the Common Good (BCG) contract campaigns that have emerged among teachers unions in the years since the Great Recession and the #RedforEd strikes and mobilizations of 2018. It finds that although these efforts emerged in very different contexts and with quite different levels of planning and organization, they nonetheless evolved in similar directions. Both BCG campaigns and the #RedforEd mobilizations framed their efforts in broad terms as defenses of the common good; both were grounded in and dependent upon strong community alliances; and both achieved a significant increase in teacher militancy in large part because of these factors. Taken together, the BCG campaigns and #RedforEd mobilizations help illustrate our need to rethink collective bargaining in ways that allow us to confront the structural inequalities that are steadily undermining both our schools and our democracy.


2012 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 493-513 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tim Fowler

This article examines the round of collective bargaining that took place between the Canadian Autoworkers (CAW), Canada’s largest private-sector union, and the ‘Big Three’ auto manufacturers (Ford, Chrysler, and General Motors) during the most recent crisis of capitalism (sometimes popularly referred to as the ‘Great Recession’). During this round of bargaining, the union made concessions in order to secure production; the article argues what while this may have represented a short-term success, in the long run the union has implicitly bought into the logics of neoliberalism, which will have disastrous consequences for both the union and the larger labour movement.


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