Crime, Dissent, and the Attorney General: THE JUSTICE DEPARTMENT IN THE 1960s

Criminology ◽  
1972 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 242-242
Author(s):  
JOHN T. ELLIFF
PEDIATRICS ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 83 (5) ◽  
pp. A92-A92
Author(s):  
J. F. L.

The Justice Department issued a stern warning to the nation's doctors today that they are under surveillance for evidence of price fixing and other violations of the antitrust laws. Assistant Attorney General Charles R. Rule, head of the Justice Department's antitrust division, told members of the American Medical Association's House of Delegates that agreements by doctors to reduce medical competition and thus harm their patients' interest "can be hazardous to your personal freedom." "You can go to jail," he said. The Justice Department's enforcement policy "is necessary to insure that society's decision to rely on competition to hold down health care costs will not be frustrated by a handful of greedy individuals." The assistant attorney general gave . . . advice to doctors: Do not make any agreement with any competing independent doctors on prices or fee schedules, on patients you will serve or locations from which you will draw patients or on joint refusal to offer services to alternative health delivery systems.


1975 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
Garth Nettheim

By mid-1973 the Watergate scandal was reaching towards the highest levels of the United States' Administration. Elliot Richardson was nominated as Attorney General with a particular mandate to sort out the affair. The Senate Judiciary Committee, in its hearings on Richardson's nomination, was vitally concerned to ensure that the Office of Watergate Special Prosecutor should have maximum effectiveness and independence. The formula eventually agreed upon was promulgated by the Attorney General as a regulation under powers vested in him by Statute to prescribe regulations for the Justice Department. On the question of independence, it provided:… The Special Prosecutor will carry out these responsibilities with the full support of the Department of Justice, until such time as, in his judgment, he has completed them or until a date mutually agreed upon between the Attorney General and himself. … The Special Prosecutor will not be removed from his duties except for extraordinary improprieties on his part.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter M. Shane

President Trump cannot legally fire Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel appointed to investigate the Trump campaign’s links to Russia. Congress granted the Justice Department the authority to appoint special counsels. The Justice Department, in turn, issued implementing regulations in 1999 specifically to govern such appointments. As such, the only person legally empowered to fire Mr. Mueller is, in this case, Deputy Attorney General Rod J. Rosenstein. Further he may only do so “for misconduct, dereliction of duty, incapacity, conflict of interest or for other good cause.” Moreover, the Supreme Court has held repeatedly that agencies may not discharge their officers in a manner that violates their own regulations. It follows that Mr. Trump lacks authority to fire Mr. Mueller under current rules, and he cannot personally impose new regulations to give himself that power.


Significance Opponents of President Donald Trump hope Special Counsel Robert Mueller will have uncovered evidence of 'high crimes and misdemeanors' by the president that would enable his impeachment. Meanwhile, Jeffrey Rosen would, if confirmed as deputy attorney general, succeed Rod Rosenstein, who had, according to former FBI Deputy Director Andrew McCabe, speculated in 2017 about removing the president under the terms of 25th Amendment, (speculation that Rosenstein has strongly denied). Impacts Depending what the Senate judiciary committee finds, new regulations may be needed for Justice Department operations. Trump’s support among Republicans is strong, but he has alienated some over foreign policy and presidential power differences. If Democrats win both Congress chambers in 2020, the impeachment risk facing Trump would rise but remain slight.


2019 ◽  
pp. 60-94
Author(s):  
William vanden Heuvel

This chapter tells the story of Ambassador vanden Heuvel's meeting and subsequent close working relationship with Robert F. Kennedy. Appointed assistant attorney general at the Justice Department in 1962, he was tasked by the Attorney General with re-opening the public schools in Prince Edward County, Virginia, after four years of closure due to local officials' resistance to desegregation after Brown v. Board of Education. His efforts led to the creation of the Prince Edward County Free Schools, which opened in September 1963. After President John F. Kennedy's assassination two months later, vanden Heuvel remained with RFK at the Justice Department, eventually working with his campaign for Senator and then president. Along the way, he travelled extensively with RFK in South America and Europe. He includes his speech commemorating the 50th anniversary of the closing of the Prince Edward County Schools.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


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