scholarly journals Migrants and Refugees in European Union: “Warm Peace”, Human Rights Education and Political Sustainability

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (11a) ◽  
pp. 29
Author(s):  
Manuela Magalhães ◽  
Ana Campina

Considering the EU position and their state member facing serious Human Rights violation as well as a political complex diplomatic development (inside and outside) the European context. Holocaust has obliged millions of European citizens to “escape” from their own countries to be able to survive. The political consequences of this movement were controlled based on the diplomacy considering the war context and each state “position”. Due the most different reasons, along the 20th century the migration in, from and to Europe was an important and strong social movement but without a negative global political impact but economical. However, the last decade, especially after 2010 with the “Spring Arab” revolutions in Middle East and North Africa, Europe has been the destination of millions - illegal migrants and Refugees.

1991 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susan Waltz

Concern for democratisation, central in the study of comparative poiltics over recent years, has tended to shift attention away from the African continent. North Africa, in particular, has been neglected in this literature, though it has witnessed important liberalising political changes – most notably with the removal from office of Tunisia's President-for-Life Habib Bourguiba, and the dramatic decline of the Frot de libération nationale (F.L.N.) in Algeria following political violence in October 1988.


1991 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-504
Author(s):  
Susan Waltz

Concern for democratisation, central in the study of comparative poiltics over recent years, has tended to shift attention away from the African continent.1 North Africa, in particular, has been neglected in this literature, though it has witnessed important liberalising political changes–most notably with the removal from office of Tunisia's President-for-Life Habib Bourguiba, and the dramatic decline of the Frot de libération nationale (F.L.N.) in Algeria following political violence in October 1988.


Author(s):  
R Amy Elman ◽  

Deciphering the European Union’s (EU) commitment to countering violence against women is challenging. To date, much of its response has been rhetorical. This article opens with a brief consideration of the EU’s first few initiatives to counter violence against women before turning to the polity’s enthusiastic endorsement of the Council of Europe’s 2011 Istanbul Convention, which defines such violence as a human rights violation. Not least, it offers a critical analysis of the EU’s Fundamental Rights Agency’s 2014 survey on violence against women, the world’s largest international survey of its kind. That inquiry involved 42,000 in-person interviews with a representative sample of approximately 1,500 women (aged 18-74) across all of the EU’s then 28 Member States. After examining the Agency’s survey and its subsequent report in the context of those efforts that preceded it, the article suggests the EU’s rhetoric and related programs for women may conceal the more controversial manifestations of the violence directed at them. For example, the Agency’s survey excluded female genital mutilation from the rubric of violence against women. One finds a similar reluctance on the part of the Agency and other institutional actors across the EU to address the eroticized commodification of violence in prostitution and pornography that pervade the polity’s common market. Despite the EU’s occasional pronouncements to the contrary, it appears violence against women is a human rights violation that the polity deliberately circumscribes and perfunctorily condemns.


2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 361-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen O’Nions

Abstract This article will critically examine the treatment of migrant Roma in Western Europe, particularly Italy and France, in the light of the obligations under the EU Citizenship Directive 2004/38. The role of the political institutions will be considered, especially the European Commission, who have yet to take a decisive position on the Roma expulsions and on the wider issue of Roma discrimination in Europe. It is argued that the focus on non-discrimination cannot address the entrenched inequality which characterises the Roma’s situation in Europe. Furthermore, that the comparative disadvantage experienced by Europe’s Roma communities constitutes a major human rights crisis which has so far been sidelined by Brussels. A European strategy is urgently required, which demands leadership from the Commission and the full participation of Roma representatives.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-116
Author(s):  
Mur-Hamida Sapaih Eldani

This paper specifically deals with the European Union and China Human Rights, Tiananmen, and Xinjiang. As a human rights promoter and protector, the EU turned its attention to the human rights violation issues in Tiananmen and Xinjiang. This work propels the readers to realize the EU’s efficiency and approach on human rights issues. By reviewing literature works related to the study’s theme, this review essentially examines the EU approaches in the post-Tiananmen and Xinjiang human rights dilemma. Also, it scrutinizes how the EU’s Human Rights differ from China and its impact on their human rights relationship. It indicates that the EU response during the post-Tiananmen and Xinjiang crisis was relatively weak and insufficient. Correspondingly, the diverse concept of human rights between the EU and China and their conflicting views lessen their human rights negotiations and decrease the chance of stable human rights relations.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-208
Author(s):  
Halili Halili

This article was aimed at (1) discovering and constructing the political dynamics in formulating the Law of the Court of Human Rights; (2) analyzing its implication on the future of politic of Human Rights in Indonesia. This essay was a result of content analysis research with qualitative-comparative approach. The finding showed that (1) substantively, the formulation of Law No. 26 Year 2000 on Human Rights Court has fundamental weaknesses such as a partial adaptation of The Roma Statute, the course of human rights court was constructed weak by stating its authority only on investigation, whereas attorney General's Office authority on investigation lacks of detail prescription, deleting the responsibility of command such as those on the Rome Statute, etc. A lot of lacks indicate that the law was only an instrument of transitional authority. The ‘toothless’ law indicates the victory of the old regime in political battlement and tension with the new regime in reformation era. The politicization of handling of human rights violation before the release of the law of Court on which the Representative People Council has authority to propose but the decision maker is the President by Presidential Decree. 2) the political dynamic has an implication on two long term situations, hoarding impunity and the crises of human rights values.   


Author(s):  
R Amy Elman ◽  

Deciphering the European Union’s (EU) commitment to countering violence against women is challenging. To date, much of its response has been rhetorical. This article opens with a brief consideration of the EU’s first few initiatives to counter violence against women before turning to the polity’s enthusiastic endorsement of the Council of Europe’s 2011 Istanbul Convention, which defines such violence as a human rights violation. Not least, it offers a critical analysis of the EU’s Fundamental Rights Agency’s 2014 survey on violence against women, the world’s largest international survey of its kind. That inquiry involved 42,000 in-person interviews with a representative sample of approximately 1,500 women (aged 18-74) across all of the EU’s then 28 Member States. After examining the Agency’s survey and its subsequent report in the context of those efforts that preceded it, the article suggests the EU’s rhetoric and related programs for women may conceal the more controversial manifestations of the violence directed at them. For example, the Agency’s survey excluded female genital mutilation from the rubric of violence against women. One finds a similar reluctance on the part of the Agency and other institutional actors across the EU to address the eroticized commodification of violence in prostitution and pornography that pervade the polity’s common market. Despite the EU’s occasional pronouncements to the contrary, it appears violence against women is a human rights violation that the polity deliberately circumscribes and perfunctorily condemns.


2022 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Arlo Poletti ◽  
Daniela Sicurelli

European institutions have repeatedly represented the EU as an actor that can use the attractiveness of its market to promote human rights internationally. From this perspective, EU trade sanctions represent a hard power tool to push the government of states accused of major human rights violations to abide by international law. In its reaction to the Rohingya crisis in 2018, despite the European Parliament’s call for the lifting of Myanmar’s trade preferences, the Council of the EU stated that it would rather tackle the problem by taking a “constructive approach” based on dialogue. We provide a political-economy explanation of this choice, making a plausible case that the political pressures from European importers and exporters, not to jeopardise trade relations with Myanmar, prevailed over the demands of European protectionist groups and NGOs advocating a tougher position. The firms interested in maintaining preferential trade relations with Myanmar were primarily motivated by a desire to avoid a disruption of trade and investment links within global value chains (GVCs) so that they could continue competing with Chinese enterprises.


Author(s):  
Alan B. Krueger

This chapter considers the consequences of terrorism. This is the area where with the least research. The chapter offers the author's interpretation of the literature, referring along the way to some of the work that has been done. It focuses first on the economic consequences of terrorist attacks. Then the chapter turns to their psychological consequences, followed by some comments about the role of the media. It also puts the threat of terrorism into perspective by comparing it with other risks that we as a nation have faced and placing it in historical context. Finally, the chapter discusses the political impact of terrorism on the target country.


2018 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 271-298
Author(s):  
Stephan F.H. Ollick

The Mediterranean Sea has long been an important and perilous route for international migrants from the coast of North Africa to the European Union (EU). Manygrants and refugees travelling on overcrowded and unseaworthy dinghies do not survive the crossing. Rising numbers of fatalities put pressure on the EU to address the Mediterranean tragedy with renewed urgency. Frontex Operation Triton (2014–) and the naval mission eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA (2015–) were launched to survey and influence migratory flows. Although thousands of migrants and refugees have thus been delivered from distress at sea, casualty rates remain staggeringly high. Some commentators and organizations have dismissed Frontex and eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA as vehicles of an isolationist political agenda. This overlooks the narrow legal, political and practical confines within which these initiatives operate. Frontex and eunavfor med Operation SOPHIA seek to attain a level of control necessary for the delayed implementation of more ambitious and forward-looking schemes. The unsophisticated, temporary nature of the regime complex currently governing the EU’s activities in the Mediterranean Sea manifests in ambiguous language, in frequent and disparate amendments, and in the brevity of the mandates thus dispensed.


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