The Social Programs of Sweden. A Search for Security in a Free Society. Albert H. Rosenthal. University of Minnesota Press, Minneapolis, 1967. xx + 193 pp. $6

Poverty can be an economic circumstance, but it is also a political issue, since it directly influences several political decisions. The academic literature agrees that fundamental human needs have had, in fact, little development in their concept and scope within recent decades, although significantly changed happened in the Western way of accomplishing needs. We seek to understand different perspectives on possible different paths to a humanist articulation in the development of society. The goal of the research is through a humanistic approach based on Max Neef's theoretical precepts to understand the failure of the social program called Porto Alegre for All, in which less than 10% of the target population adopted the program. The research design had a qualitative phase with interviews with six target individuals, aiming to gain insights for the development of attributes and hierarchy of values for the use of the quantitative technique of joint analysis, made with a sample of 98 individuals. In our research the most important result was the attribute freedom, and the maternal pillar of the family is the great reference of these individuals.Keywords: Extreme Poverty. Freedom. Social programs. Fundamentals human needs.ResumoA pobreza pode ser uma circunstância econômica, mas também é uma questão política. A literatura acadêmica concorda que o conceito das necessidades humanas fundamentais teve, de fato, pouco desenvolvimento na sua atualização e escopo nas últimas décadas, embora mudanças significativas tenham ocorrido no modo ocidental de atender às necessidades. Buscamos a compreensão de diferentes perspectivas sobre os possíveis caminhos diferentes para uma articulação humanista no desenvolvimento da sociedade. O objetivo da pesquisa, é através de uma abordagem humanística baseada em preceitos teóricos de Max Neef compreender o fracasso do programa social denominado Porto Alegre para Todos, no qual menos de 10% da população-alvo adotou o programa. O design da pesquisa teve uma fase qualitativa com entrevistas com seis indivíduos target, com o objetivo de obter insights para o desenvolvimento dos atributos ehierarquia de valores para utilização da técnica quantitativa de análise conjunta, feita com uma amostra de 98 indivíduos. Na nossa pesquisa oresultado mais importantefoi o atributo liberdade, sendo que o pilar materno da familia e a grande referência destes individuos.Palavras-chave: Extrema pobreza. Liberdade. Programas sociais. Necessidades fundamentais humanas.

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Políticas sociales en Uruguay: una década de cambios en las políticas sociales / Social Policies in Uruguay: a Decade of Changes in the Social Policies

Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales ◽

10.37467/gka-revsocial.v5.377 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 5 (1) ◽

pp. 183-197

Author(s):

Pedro Ernesto Moreira Gregori

Keyword(s):

Municipal Government ◽

Secondary Data ◽

Social Programs ◽

Social Policies ◽

Social Changes ◽

Emergency Plan ◽

Middle Classes ◽

The Social ◽

El Alto ◽

Large Sections

ABSTRACTThe aim is to rethink a decade of public social policies and the social changes generated through a qualitative study focused mainly on the exploitation of secondary data and bibliographic and documentary research. We consider initially the 2002 crisis; the gap between classes appears to be less extensive than during the crisis, but deeper and entrenched over time. That social crack forced the country to rethink and reposition its public policies; especially through the creation of new ministries (Ministry of Social Development), new forms of municipal government (mayors and councilors) and specifically, new social programs and policies that served to stop and reduce the growing poverty, especially extreme poverty (emergency plan, plan of equity, PANES program, food card, citizen income, etc.). Anyway, the discontent of large sections of the middle classes is evident; the high cost of living and tax burdens and problems of citizen security erode governanceRESUMENEl objetivo presentado es repensar una década de políticas sociales públicas y visualizar los cambios sociales generados a través de un estudio cualitativo centrado principalmente en la explotación de datos secundarios y la investigación bibliográfica y documental. Tomamos inicialmente como punto de referencia la crisis de 2002; la brecha entre clases parece ser menos amplia que durante esa crisis, pero a su vez más profunda y enquistada en el tiempo. Ese crack social obligó al país a repensar y reposicionar sus políticas públicas; especialmente a través de la creación de nuevos Ministerios (Ministerio de Desarrollo Social), nuevas formas municipales de gobierno (Alcaldías y Concejalías) y concretamente, nuevos programas y políticas sociales que sirvieron para detener y disminuir la creciente pobreza y especialmente la indigencia (Plan de emergencia, Plan de equidad, Programa PANES, Tarjeta alimentaria, Ingreso Ciudadano, etc.). De todas formas, el descontento de grandes sectores de las clases medias es evidente; el alto coste de vida y de las cargas impositivas y los problemas de seguridad ciudadana erosionan la gestión de gobierno.

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Whither Nicaragua Three Years On?

Latin American Perspectives ◽

10.1177/0094582x211041065 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 48 (6) ◽

pp. 9-20

Author(s):

Héctor M. Cruz-Feliciano

Keyword(s):

Everyday Life ◽

Political Control ◽

Social Programs ◽

Progressive Change ◽

National Elections ◽

New Era ◽

Extreme Poverty ◽

The Social ◽

Neoliberal Policies ◽

Violent Events

Since the violent events of April 2018, a kind of “normalcy” has returned to everyday life in Nicaragua, but the social and political atmosphere has seen a dramatic change. The government’s social programs have lent some credibility to its claim of reversing the neoliberal policies of its predecessors. However, after more than a decade in power it has become clear that this is not the case. Instead of a socialist transformation, it has pursued a populist model designed to contain and reduce extreme poverty while expanding its political control at the grassroots through clientelist mechanisms. National elections are scheduled to take place in November 2021, and the Ortega-Murillo regime is setting the stage to assure its reelection. Without agreement among the opposition on a single candidate to face off against the regime, Nicaragua is likely facing five more years of Sandinista government. One thing is certain: the April rebellion threw up numerous young leaders who are unaligned with the traditional parties and whose values and aspirations align with those for which Nicaraguans fought in the revolution yet involve a more inclusive, less partisan, and more wide-ranging approach. In time, April 19 is likely to go on record as the door leading to a new era of progressive change. Desde los violentos sucesos de abril de 2018, una especie de “normalidad” ha vuelto a la vida cotidiana en Nicaragua, pero la atmósfera social y política ha experimentado un cambio dramático. Los programas sociales del gobierno han dado cierta credibilidad a su pretensión de revertir las políticas neoliberales de sus predecesores. Sin embargo, después de más de una década en el poder, ha quedado claro que este no es el caso. En lugar de una transformación socialista, ha seguido un modelo populista diseñado para contener y reducir la pobreza extrema al tiempo que amplía su control político en las bases a través de mecanismos clientelistas. Las elecciones nacionales están programadas para noviembre de 2021, y el régimen de Ortega-Murillo está preparando el escenario para asegurar su reelección. Sin un acuerdo entre la oposición sobre un solo candidato para enfrentar al régimen, es probable que Nicaragua enfrente cinco años más de gobierno sandinista. Una cosa es cierta: la rebelión de abril arrojó a numerosos líderes jóvenes que no están alineados con los partidos tradicionales y cuyos valores y aspiraciones se alinean con aquellos por los que lucharon los nicaragüenses en la revolución, pero que involucran un enfoque más inclusivo, menos partidista y más amplio. Con el tiempo, es probable que el 19 de abril quede registrado como la puerta que conduce a una nueva era de cambio progresivo.

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