Whither Nicaragua Three Years On?

2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (6) ◽  
pp. 9-20
Author(s):  
Héctor M. Cruz-Feliciano

Since the violent events of April 2018, a kind of “normalcy” has returned to everyday life in Nicaragua, but the social and political atmosphere has seen a dramatic change. The government’s social programs have lent some credibility to its claim of reversing the neoliberal policies of its predecessors. However, after more than a decade in power it has become clear that this is not the case. Instead of a socialist transformation, it has pursued a populist model designed to contain and reduce extreme poverty while expanding its political control at the grassroots through clientelist mechanisms. National elections are scheduled to take place in November 2021, and the Ortega-Murillo regime is setting the stage to assure its reelection. Without agreement among the opposition on a single candidate to face off against the regime, Nicaragua is likely facing five more years of Sandinista government. One thing is certain: the April rebellion threw up numerous young leaders who are unaligned with the traditional parties and whose values and aspirations align with those for which Nicaraguans fought in the revolution yet involve a more inclusive, less partisan, and more wide-ranging approach. In time, April 19 is likely to go on record as the door leading to a new era of progressive change. Desde los violentos sucesos de abril de 2018, una especie de “normalidad” ha vuelto a la vida cotidiana en Nicaragua, pero la atmósfera social y política ha experimentado un cambio dramático. Los programas sociales del gobierno han dado cierta credibilidad a su pretensión de revertir las políticas neoliberales de sus predecesores. Sin embargo, después de más de una década en el poder, ha quedado claro que este no es el caso. En lugar de una transformación socialista, ha seguido un modelo populista diseñado para contener y reducir la pobreza extrema al tiempo que amplía su control político en las bases a través de mecanismos clientelistas. Las elecciones nacionales están programadas para noviembre de 2021, y el régimen de Ortega-Murillo está preparando el escenario para asegurar su reelección. Sin un acuerdo entre la oposición sobre un solo candidato para enfrentar al régimen, es probable que Nicaragua enfrente cinco años más de gobierno sandinista. Una cosa es cierta: la rebelión de abril arrojó a numerosos líderes jóvenes que no están alineados con los partidos tradicionales y cuyos valores y aspiraciones se alinean con aquellos por los que lucharon los nicaragüenses en la revolución, pero que involucran un enfoque más inclusivo, menos partidista y más amplio. Con el tiempo, es probable que el 19 de abril quede registrado como la puerta que conduce a una nueva era de cambio progresivo.

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 786
Author(s):  
Gabriel R D Levrini

Poverty can be an economic circumstance, but it is also a political issue, since it directly influences several political decisions. The academic literature agrees that fundamental human needs have had, in fact, little development in their concept and scope within recent decades, although significantly changed happened in the Western way of accomplishing needs. We seek to understand different perspectives on possible different paths to a humanist articulation in the development of society. The goal of the research is through a humanistic approach based on Max Neef's theoretical precepts to understand the failure of the social program called Porto Alegre for All, in which less than 10% of the target population adopted the program. The research design had a qualitative phase with interviews with six target individuals, aiming to gain insights for the development of attributes and hierarchy of values for the use of the quantitative technique of joint analysis, made with a sample of 98 individuals. In our research the most important result was the attribute freedom, and the maternal pillar of the family is the great reference of these individuals.Keywords: Extreme Poverty. Freedom. Social programs. Fundamentals human needs.ResumoA pobreza pode ser uma circunstância econômica, mas também é uma questão política. A literatura acadêmica concorda que o conceito das necessidades humanas fundamentais teve, de fato, pouco desenvolvimento na sua atualização e escopo nas últimas décadas, embora mudanças significativas tenham ocorrido no modo ocidental de atender às necessidades. Buscamos a compreensão de diferentes perspectivas sobre os possíveis caminhos diferentes para uma articulação humanista no desenvolvimento da sociedade. O objetivo da pesquisa, é através de uma abordagem humanística baseada em preceitos teóricos de Max Neef compreender o fracasso do programa social denominado Porto Alegre para Todos, no qual menos de 10% da população-alvo adotou o programa. O design da pesquisa teve uma fase qualitativa com entrevistas com seis indivíduos target, com o objetivo de obter insights para o desenvolvimento dos atributos ehierarquia de valores para utilização da técnica quantitativa de análise conjunta, feita com uma amostra de 98 indivíduos. Na nossa pesquisa oresultado mais importantefoi o atributo liberdade, sendo que o pilar materno da familia e a grande referência destes individuos.Palavras-chave: Extrema pobreza. Liberdade. Programas sociais. Necessidades fundamentais humanas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
Valentyn Ivanenko

The insufficiently studied perspective of regional history related to the identification and characterization of essential features, socio-economic factors and features of the spread of begging and vagrancy as organic components in the structure of deviant phenomena of everyday life in southern Ukraine during the NEP actualizes and analyzes in the article. On the basis of modern theoretical and methodological approaches and methods and representative sources (including archival) it is proved that the most powerful catalysts of their then surge were the devastating consequences of the First World and Civil Wars, total devastation, famine of 1921–1923, migration, without migration. Relevant statistical data have been processed and published. The kinship (common roots) of begging and vagrancy caused by the long-lasting and all-encompassing crisis of society, total and rapidly growing impoverishment and marginalization of the population, the emergence of large masses of disadvantaged people in the South of the republic, deprived of basic social support by the Soviet authorities and the public.The author emphasizes that despite all the shortcomings, miscalculations and contradictions of the then Bolshevik steps to clean the "social bottom" in the region and reincarnate its bearers in the course of normal, full life, this instructive historical experience has not lost some of its relevance today, and therefore could be useful in the development and implementation of appropriate social programs in Ukraine, where under the influence of deep transformation processes, intensive property stratification of society, progressive poverty of the majority of citizens, a fairly high level of such anomalies is consistently recorded.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 330-350
Author(s):  
Plamen A. Atanasov

The COVID-19 pandemic of 2020 developed into a crisis of civilizational type. The interactions within society are more complicated: the present is high complexity, apparent confusion, low social trust levels, and fear among people. This leads to conspiracy theories and behavioural infections ranging from depressions to aggression, while simultaneously, it creates the need for hope and optimism. The paper aims to show that overcoming the social estrangement and balancing fear with optimism and hope is essential for the future of social reality. The paper utilizes existing scientific developments from the fields of psychology, sociology, and the media and publicly available articles from the mass media. Based on them is defined the problem which is set out as the consequence of unresolved matters around the neoliberalism which is infiltrating the social interactions; the fear and the conspiracy theories, and the poorly understood need for optimism and hope. The focus is also set on these problems entering the mass media, where the situation is unusual, as far as the fear of COVID-19 is concerned. In these circumstances, both society and the media must evaluate their attitude towards neoliberal policies and find their balance between fear and the need for hope.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-168
Author(s):  
Celal Hayir ◽  
Ayman Kole

When the Turkish army seized power on May 27th, 1960, a new democratic constitution was carried into effect. The positive atmosphere created by the 1961 constitution quickly showed its effects on political balances in the parliament and it became difficult for one single party to come into power, which strengthened the multi-party-system. The freedom initiative created by 1961’s constitution had a direct effect on the rise of public opposition. Filmmakers, who generally steered clear from the discussion of social problems and conflicts until 1960, started to produce movies questioning conflicts in political, social and cultural life for the first time and discussions about the “Social Realism” movement in the ensuing films arose in cinematic circles in Turkey. At the same time, the “regional managers” emerged, and movies in line with demands of this system started to be produced. The Hope (Umut), produced by Yılmaz Güney in 1970, rang in a new era in Turkish cinema, because it differed from other movies previously made in its cinematic language, expression, and use of actors and settings. The aim of this study is to mention the reality discussions in Turkish cinema and outline the political facts which initiated this expression leading up to the film Umut (The Hope, directed by Yılmaz Güney), which has been accepted as the most distinctive social realist movie in Turkey. 


Author(s):  
Miguel Alarcão

Textualizing the memory(ies) of physical and cultural encounter(s) between Self and Other, travel literature/writing often combines subjectivity with documental information which may prove relevant to better assess mentalities, everyday life and the social history of any given ‘timeplace’. That is the case with Growing up English. Memories of Portugal 1907-1930, by D. J. Baylis (née Bucknall), prefaced by Peter Mollet as “(…) a remarkably vivid and well written observation of the times expressed with humour and not little ‘carinho’. In all they make excellent reading especially for those of us interested in the recent past.” (Baylis: 2)


1983 ◽  
Vol 38 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Herbert F. Weisberg

We are now entering a new era of computing in political science. The first era was marked by punched-card technology. Initially, the most sophisticated analyses possible were frequency counts and tables produced on a counter-sorter, a machine that specialized in chewing up data cards. By the early 1960s, batch processing on large mainframe computers became the predominant mode of data analysis, with turnaround time of up to a week. By the late 1960s, turnaround time was cut down to a matter of a few minutes and OSIRIS and then SPSS (and more recently SAS) were developed as general-purpose data analysis packages for the social sciences. Even today, use of these packages in batch mode remains one of the most efficient means of processing large-scale data analysis.


1972 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-22
Author(s):  
John Seiler

The Nixon Adminsitration’s decision to sign an executive agreement covering U.S. access to Azores military facilities reflects the moral and practical bankruptcy of this Administration’s policy toward the white-governed territories of southern Africa. If there is to be any improvement in the social and political situation of nonwhites in Angola and Mozambique as a quid pro quo for our commitment of development funds and symbolic support, no signs of it appear in the news reports of the agreement. Whether or not any of the development projects are to be in those territories, U.S. support will contribute in a major way to the stabilization of Portuguese political control there.


Author(s):  
Bibi van den Berg ◽  
Ruth Prins ◽  
Sanneke Kuipers

Security and safety are key topics of concern in the globalized and interconnected world. While the terms “safety” and “security” are often used interchangeably in everyday life, in academia, security is mostly studied in the social sciences, while safety is predominantly studied in the natural sciences, engineering, and medicine. However, developments and incidents that negatively affect society increasingly contain both safety and security aspects. Therefore, an integrated perspective on security and safety is beneficial. Such a perspective studies hazardous and harmful events and phenomena in the full breadth of their complexity—including the cause of the event, the target that is harmed, and whether the harm is direct or indirect. This leads to a richer understanding of the nature of incidents and the effects they may have on individuals, collectives, societies, nation-states, and the world at large.


Lyuboslovie ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 276-292
Author(s):  
Desislava Cheshmedzhieva-Stoycheva ◽  

The focus of the paper is on the neologisms that have occurred in Bulgarian as a result of the pandemic. The corpus of analysis comprises linguistic exchanges collected during some personal conversations of the author with a number of informants as well as occurrences of the encountered neologisms in the social and mainstream media. The neologisms were also compared with the linguistic entries in some reference books and their frequency of use was checked through search engines. One of the main conclusions reached is that despite the fact that some of the analysed neologisms are not part of the official lexicon they are widely used in the social and the mass media, which means they are an active part of everyday life of Bulgarians.


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