Poetic Violence in the Book of Jeremiah

This chapter examines poetic images of violence in the book of Jeremiah from a literary perspective. In this analysis, Jeremiah’s images of poetic violence are rhetorically constructed and should not be viewed as descriptive of actual events. Although violent events may lie at the heart of these images, this chapter assumes they are designed primarily for their rhetorical impact and theological meaning, and not for their descriptive accuracy. After discussing broadly the meaning and purpose of poetic violence, the author considers three rhetorically effective images that appear frequently in Jeremiah—the wound, the maternal body, and the unburied corpse. These images share a common focus on the body and are intended to unsettle and to induce change in those who encounter them by communicating the physical threat to individuals within Israel, as well as to the community as a whole. Despite their power to unsettle, these images also convey hope by communicating alternative and positive realities, and by suggesting ways in which violence can be a creative force that transforms individuals and communities. If poetic violence is effective, transformation will occur and the wound, the maternal body, and the unburied corpse will make way for the healing, birth, and regeneration of Israel.

Executions of Jewish Partisans in the Lithuanian Forests: The Case of Natan Ring

Jews joined the Soviet partisan movement spontaneously, after escaping from various ghettos in Lithuania and Belarus. Most of them had no military background, but they were eager to take part in fighting and revenge. They had to adjust to harsh living conditions in the forests and suffered hostility and antisemitism on the part of locals and non-Jewish fellow partisans. Internal relations amongst different political and ideological groups were often problematic as well. This article focuses on specific violent events which occurred in the Rudniki forests near Vilnius, Lithuania, and specifically on one controversial case study: the execution of the partisan commander Natan Ring in early November 1943, by his brothers in arms. Ring was suspected of collaboration with the Germans while he served as a Jewish policeman in the Vilnius ghetto. Based on the testimonies and memories of former partisans, recorded at different times between the end of the war until the present, the article rethinks morals and behaviour in that unique space and time and how the event has been perceived over the years which followed.

Exploring the Representation of History and 'Slow Violence' in "Philadelphia Fire" and "The Lone Ranger and Tonto Fistfight in Heaven"

After connecting history to urban spatiality in Teju Cole's Open City, this paper develops Rob Nixon's articulation of "slow violence" to demonstrate how John Edgar Wideman and Sherman Alexie's novels depict issues of authenticity in storytelling, highlighting the limitations of representing the effects of “slow violence” on the cultural, physical, and economic welfare of marginalised communities in the aftermath of major violent events.

Whither Nicaragua Three Years On?

Since the violent events of April 2018, a kind of “normalcy” has returned to everyday life in Nicaragua, but the social and political atmosphere has seen a dramatic change. The government’s social programs have lent some credibility to its claim of reversing the neoliberal policies of its predecessors. However, after more than a decade in power it has become clear that this is not the case. Instead of a socialist transformation, it has pursued a populist model designed to contain and reduce extreme poverty while expanding its political control at the grassroots through clientelist mechanisms. National elections are scheduled to take place in November 2021, and the Ortega-Murillo regime is setting the stage to assure its reelection. Without agreement among the opposition on a single candidate to face off against the regime, Nicaragua is likely facing five more years of Sandinista government. One thing is certain: the April rebellion threw up numerous young leaders who are unaligned with the traditional parties and whose values and aspirations align with those for which Nicaraguans fought in the revolution yet involve a more inclusive, less partisan, and more wide-ranging approach. In time, April 19 is likely to go on record as the door leading to a new era of progressive change. Desde los violentos sucesos de abril de 2018, una especie de “normalidad” ha vuelto a la vida cotidiana en Nicaragua, pero la atmósfera social y política ha experimentado un cambio dramático. Los programas sociales del gobierno han dado cierta credibilidad a su pretensión de revertir las políticas neoliberales de sus predecesores. Sin embargo, después de más de una década en el poder, ha quedado claro que este no es el caso. En lugar de una transformación socialista, ha seguido un modelo populista diseñado para contener y reducir la pobreza extrema al tiempo que amplía su control político en las bases a través de mecanismos clientelistas. Las elecciones nacionales están programadas para noviembre de 2021, y el régimen de Ortega-Murillo está preparando el escenario para asegurar su reelección. Sin un acuerdo entre la oposición sobre un solo candidato para enfrentar al régimen, es probable que Nicaragua enfrente cinco años más de gobierno sandinista. Una cosa es cierta: la rebelión de abril arrojó a numerosos líderes jóvenes que no están alineados con los partidos tradicionales y cuyos valores y aspiraciones se alinean con aquellos por los que lucharon los nicaragüenses en la revolución, pero que involucran un enfoque más inclusivo, menos partidista y más amplio. Con el tiempo, es probable que el 19 de abril quede registrado como la puerta que conduce a una nueva era de cambio progresivo.

Community Violence Exposure and School Functioning in Youth: Cross-Country and Gender Perspectives

Background: Many children and adolescents experience violent events which can be associated with negative consequences for their development, mental health, school, and social functioning. However, findings between settings and on the role of gender have been inconsistent. This study aimed to investigate cross-country and gender differences in the relationship between community violence exposure (CVE) and school functioning in a sample of youths from three countries.Methods: A self-report survey was conducted among school students (12–17 years old) in Belgium (Antwerp, N = 4,743), Russia (Arkhangelsk, N = 2,823), and the US (New Haven, N = 4,101). Students were recruited from within classes that were randomly selected from within schools that had themselves been randomly selected (excepting New Haven, where all students were included). CVE was assessed with the Screening Survey of Exposure to Community Violence. School functioning was assessed with four measures: the Perceived Teacher Support scale, Negative Classroom Environment scale, and Academic Motivation and Perception of Safety at School scales. Multivariate Analyses of Covariance were performed to assess differences in the levels of school-related problem behaviors in boys and girls, who reported different degrees of CVE.Results: Participants in all three countries reported a relatively high prevalence of violence exposure (36.2% in Belgium, 39.3% in Russia and 45.2% in the US who witnessed violence), with a higher proportion of girls than boys witnessing violent events (varied from 37.4 to 51.6% between the countries), whereas boys reported more episodes of victimization by violence than girls (varied from 32.3 to 49.9% between the countries). Youths who experienced increased CVE (from no exposure to witnessing to victimization) reported an increase in all school functioning problems in all of the countries and this association was not gender-specific.Conclusions: Our findings suggest that regardless of differences in the level of CVE by country and gender, violence exposure is negatively associated with school functioning across countries. Nonetheless, even though reactions to community violence among adolescents may be expressed in a similar fashion, cross-country differences in social support systems should also be taken into account in order to provide culturally sensitive treatment modalities.

Conflict violence reduction and pregnancy outcomes: A regression discontinuity design in Colombia

Background The relationship between exposure to conflict violence during pregnancy and the risks of miscarriage, stillbirth, and perinatal mortality has not been studied empirically using rigorous methods and appropriate data. We investigated the association between reduced exposure to conflict violence during pregnancy and the risks of adverse pregnancy outcomes in Colombia. Methods and findings We adopted a regression discontinuity (RD) design using the July 20, 2015 cease-fire declared during the Colombian peace process as an exogenous discontinuous change in exposure to conflict events during pregnancy, comparing women with conception dates before and after the cease-fire date. We constructed the cohorts of all pregnant women in Colombia for each day between January 1, 2013 and December 31, 2017 using birth and death certificates. A total of 3,254,696 women were followed until the end of pregnancy. We measured conflict exposure as the total number of conflict events that occurred in the municipality where a pregnant woman lived during her pregnancy. We first assessed whether the cease-fire did induce a discontinuous fall in conflict exposure for women with conception dates after the cease-fire to then estimate the association of this reduced exposure with the risks of miscarriage, stillbirth, and perinatal mortality. We found that the July 20, 2015 cease-fire was associated with a reduction of the average number of conflict events (from 2.64 to 2.40) to which women were exposed during pregnancy in their municipalities of residence (mean differences −0.24; 95% confidence interval [CI] −0.35 to −0.13; p < 0.001). This association was greater in municipalities where Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) had a greater presence historically. The reduction in average exposure to conflict violence was, in turn, associated with a decrease of 9.53 stillbirths per 1,000 pregnancies (95% CI −16.13 to −2.93; p = 0.005) for municipalities with total number of FARC-related violent events above the 90th percentile of the distribution of FARC-related conflict events and a decrease of 7.57 stillbirths per 1,000 pregnancies (95% CI −13.14 to −2.00; p = 0.01) for municipalities with total number of FARC-related violent events above the 75th percentile of FARC-related events. For perinatal mortality, we found associated reductions of 10.69 (95% CI −18.32 to −3.05; p = 0.01) and 6.86 (95% CI −13.24 to −0.48; p = 0.04) deaths per 1,000 pregnancies for the 2 types of municipalities, respectively. We found no association with miscarriages. Formal tests support the validity of the key RD assumptions in our data, while a battery of sensitivity analyses and falsification tests confirm the robustness of our empirical results. The main limitations of the study are the retrospective nature of the information sources and the potential for conflict exposure misclassification. Conclusions Our study offers evidence that reduced exposure to conflict violence during pregnancy is associated with important (previously unmeasured) benefits in terms of reducing the risk of stillbirth and perinatal deaths. The findings are consistent with such beneficial associations manifesting themselves mainly through reduced violence exposure during the early stages of pregnancy. Beyond the relevance of this evidence for other countries beset by chronic armed conflicts, our results suggest that the fledgling Colombian peace process may be already contributing to better population health.

Violence, Rumor, and Elusive Trust in Mocímboa da Praia, Mozambique

The riots of 2005 in Mocímboa da Praia and the current violent attacks in Cabo Delgado province have resulted in a range of unsettling rumors. This article revisits the riots and their aftermath to make sense of the rumors that have spread since then, fueling fears of violence and uncertainty. These disconcerting rumors are especially rich in what they tell us about the perception of the political Other and the narratives that materialize following violent events. The way in which rumors circulated and were believed or discarded draws a rough picture of the local political arena. This article discusses the elusive nature of trust following sudden violence and addresses the role and relevance of rumors as an obstacle to the creation of peaceful trust relationships.

Listening to Terror Soundscapes

Listening experiences provide valuable insights in understanding the meaning of events and shaping the way we remember them afterwards. Listening builds relationships with places and subjectivities. What kinds of relationships and connections are built through listening during an event of extreme violence, such as a terrorist attack? This article examines the relationships between sound, space, and affect through an acoustemology of Bataclan survivors’ sensory experiences of both the terrorist attack and its aftermath. I draw on the testimonies of nine survivors of the Bataclan terrorist attack in Paris, which unfolded on the evening of 13 November 2015 during a rock concert, as well as interviews with three parents of survivors and victims. This article explores how the study of listening experiences and aural memories of survivors contributes to understanding mnemonic dynamics and processes of recovery related to sound following violent events.

Times of Violence

Over the past two decades, I have done ethnographic fieldwork amongst Burundians in Burundi and in exile, exploring the different ways they deal with the violence that the country has witnessed over the decades. In this article I follow my tracks back and forth and in and out of the country, reflecting on the advantages and challenges of long-term engagement. At a conceptual level, I propose that while violence is indeed lodged in a social context, violent events create a momentary temporal rupture, thereby dislodging meaning from its local context of understanding. My methodological contribution is to explore how long-term engagements, revisits, and diachronic comparisons in ethnography may help us understand violence and violent events. I explore how violent events have affected the past, the present, and the future, causing those who experience it to reorient their understanding not only of their pasts but also of their anticipations for the future.

The search for Bin Laden: post 9/11 terrorism and the representation of the other in mainstream American television media

"The media are crucial to our worldview, thus, this paper will demonstrate how American television news media was used to present and define an enemy immediately following the events of September 11. Furthermore, this paper will problematize the stereotypes associated with the enemy, and bring into the forefront the reasons for and consequences of establishing and maintaining an enemy "Other," specifically questionable political actions by US President George W. Bush and his administration. As the violent events of one day became showcased in the media, this facilitated the implementation of restrictive and pervasive laws and legislation, which were part of a larger initiative by the Bush administration to incite fear and apprehension surrounding a new enemy"--From the Introduction page 1.