Institutions and Women's Empowerment in the United States

Author(s):  
Cal Clark ◽  
Janet Clark
1996 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 417-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge Arditi

This paper explores the opening of a discursive space within the etiquette literature in the United States during the 19th century and how women used this space as a vehicle of empowerment. It identifies two major strategies of empowerment. First, the use or appropriation of existing discourses that can help redefine the “other” within an hegemonic space. Second, and more importantly, the transformation of that space in shifting the lines by which differentiation is produced to begin with. Admittedly, these strategies are neither unique nor the most important in the history of women's empowerment. But this paper argues that the new discourses formulated by women helped forge a new space within which women ceased being the “other,” and helped give body to a concept of womanhood as defined by a group of women, regardless of how idiosyncratic that group might have been.


Author(s):  
Cheryl Cooky

Unlike other issues that have generated highly visible popular social movements in the United States, gender inequality in sports has not attracted similar levels of attention among U.S. feminist activists. Moreover, sport has not played a significant role in what constitutes the “canon” of feminist writings on activism, and is often overlooked in feminist collections, women’s studies textbooks, and anthologies. This chapter draws upon the scholarship in feminist sport studies to focus on three issues related to women’s activism in sports: sports as a site for women’s advocacy and activism; sports as a site for women’s empowerment; and female athleticism as cultural iconography in discursive articulations of feminist activism and women’s empowerment. The chapter concludes with insights on the potential for intersections between women’s sports advocacy and feminist activism in women’s sports at the turn of the twenty-first century, and offers possible directions for future research.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 33
Author(s):  
Maria Ardianti Kurnia Sari ◽  
Nur Saktiningrum

Racial issues have been a big problem in the United States of America since the slavery era. Although racism still exists in its society, many people are still migrating to America. For example, non-American Black women go there to try their luck to get a better education, a better job, and a better standard of living. However, some of them experience racism and gender inequality at work, as well as everywhere else in American society. Nevertheless, these experiences of racism and inequality may well be what motivates them to gain empowerment and gender equality. The qualitative method is used in this research. The primary source is a novel by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie titled Americanah (2013). The secondary sources to support this analysis are books, journals, articles, videos, and current news related to the issues. Post-nationalist studies by John Rowe, transnationalism studies by Steven Vertovec, fourth-wave feminism ideas from Nikola Rivers and Prudence Chamberlain, and Black women’s empowerment studies by Sheila Radford-Hill and Patricia Hill Collins are used to analyze the data. The results of this research are: first, there are measures taken by non-American Black women to gain empowerment in the US, which begin with their aspirations to obtain acceptance in society. Second, the redefinition of gender equality through education, employment, and social changes leads to the acceptance of non-American Black women in society. The acceptance and empowerment become evidence of gender equality in education, employment, and social life. Isu rasisme menjadi salah satu masalah besar di Amerika Serikat sejak masa perbudakan. Meskipun rasisme masih terjadi, tetapi tidak sedikit imigran yang datang dan menetap. Wanita kulit hitam dari luar Amerika datang untuk mendapat pendidikan, pekerjaan, dan hidup layak. Tetapi, tidak sedikit mendapatkan rasisme dan ketidaksetaraan gender di dalam dan masyarakat. Dengan demikian, rasisme dan ketidaksetaraan memotivasi wanita kulit hitam non-Amerika untuk memperoleh pemberdayaan dan kesetaraan gender. Metode kualitatif digunakan dalam penelitian ini. Sumber pertama, novel karya Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie berjudul Americanah (2013). Sumber kedua untuk mendukung analisis diambil dari beberapa buku, jurnal, artikel, video, dan berita yang berhubungan dengan isu yang dibahas. Beberapa teori yang digunakan untuk menganalisis, yakni teori pos-nasionalis dari John Rowe, transnasionalisme dari Steven Vertovec, feminisme gelombang keempat dari Nikola Rivers dan Prudence Chamberlain, dan pemberdayaan perempuan berkulit hitam dari Sheila Radford-Hill dan Patricia Hill Collins. Berdasarkan hasil analisa, pertama, pemberdayaan wanita kulit hitam non-Amerika dimulai dari perjuangan mereka untuk mendapatkan pemberdayaan dari masyarakat. Proses perjuangan dan keberanian yang menuntun mereka untuk bisa beradaptasi dengan situasi di Amerika. Kedua, mendefinisikan kesetaraan gender dalam dunia pendidikan, pekerjaan, dan perubahan sosial. Beberapa dampak pemberdayaan menjadi bukti pencapaian kesetaraan gender dalam dunia pendidikan, pekerjaan, dan perubahan kehidupan sosial.


Author(s):  
A. Hakam ◽  
J.T. Gau ◽  
M.L. Grove ◽  
B.A. Evans ◽  
M. Shuman ◽  
...  

Prostate adenocarcinoma is the most common malignant tumor of men in the United States and is the third leading cause of death in men. Despite attempts at early detection, there will be 244,000 new cases and 44,000 deaths from the disease in the United States in 1995. Therapeutic progress against this disease is hindered by an incomplete understanding of prostate epithelial cell biology, the availability of human tissues for in vitro experimentation, slow dissemination of information between prostate cancer research teams and the increasing pressure to “ stretch” research dollars at the same time staff reductions are occurring.To meet these challenges, we have used the correlative microscopy (CM) and client/server (C/S) computing to increase productivity while decreasing costs. Critical elements of our program are as follows:1) Establishing the Western Pennsylvania Genitourinary (GU) Tissue Bank which includes >100 prostates from patients with prostate adenocarcinoma as well as >20 normal prostates from transplant organ donors.


Author(s):  
Vinod K. Berry ◽  
Xiao Zhang

In recent years it became apparent that we needed to improve productivity and efficiency in the Microscopy Laboratories in GE Plastics. It was realized that digital image acquisition, archiving, processing, analysis, and transmission over a network would be the best way to achieve this goal. Also, the capabilities of quantitative image analysis, image transmission etc. available with this approach would help us to increase our efficiency. Although the advantages of digital image acquisition, processing, archiving, etc. have been described and are being practiced in many SEM, laboratories, they have not been generally applied in microscopy laboratories (TEM, Optical, SEM and others) and impact on increased productivity has not been yet exploited as well.In order to attain our objective we have acquired a SEMICAPS imaging workstation for each of the GE Plastic sites in the United States. We have integrated the workstation with the microscopes and their peripherals as shown in Figure 1.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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