Retaliation, Bargaining, and the Pursuit of “Free and Fair” Trade

1999 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kishore Gawande ◽  
Wendy L. Hansen

That domestic political economic factors are important determinants of a nation's trade barriers has been empirically well established. However, the question of how effective strategically retaliatory trade barriers are in deterring foreign protectionism has received far less systematic empirical attention. In this article we use bilateral nontariff barrier (NTB) data between the United States and five developed partner countries (Japan, France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom) to systematically examine the effectiveness of strategic retaliation. We employ a simultaneous Tobit model where the home and foreign NTB levels are determined endogenously in a bilateral game. The model provides estimates of deterrence coefficients, that is, the reduction in foreign trade barriers as a result of U.S. retaliation, which we use to characterize the nature of bilateral NTB games. Our hope is that the empirical results presented here, which have realistic though controversial implications, will inform U.S. trade policy.

2006 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 243-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Muirhead

Abstract The articulated foreign economic policy of the Conservative government of John Diefenbaker following its election in June 1957 was to redirect trade away from the United States and toward the United Kingdom. This policy reflected Diefenbaker's almost religious attachment to the Commonwealth and to Britain, as well as his abiding suspicion of continentalism. However, from these brave beginnings, Conservative trade policy ended up pretty much where the Liberals had been before their 1957 defeat-increasingly reliant on the US market for Canada's domestic prosperity. This was a result partly of the normal development of trade between the two North American countries, but it also reflected Diefenbaker's growing realisation of the market differences between Canada and the United Kingdom, and the impossibility of enhancing the flow of Canadian exports to Britain.


2020 ◽  
pp. 91-104
Author(s):  
Bruno Madeira ◽  

The electoral victories of neoconservatism in the United Kingdom and the United States of America had evident impacts on the European right, namely in terms of their revitalization and organizational, discursive, doctrinal and prepositive updated stance. In the case of the Portuguese radical right, this influence and moralizing example are clear. Ostracized and kept in political marginality after the Revolution of April 25, 1974, Portuguese right-wingers saw in the advances of neoconservatism the possible way to rehabilitate themselves in democracy and, at the same time, to accommodate their old principles to a fashionable political-economic narrative.


1949 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 353-354

By April 1949 Australia had ratified the ITO Charter, contingent on its being put into effect by the United States and the United Kingdom. Other countries were awaiting action by the United States, where President Truman was about to submit the Charter to the Congress for decision. With the acceptance of the Havana Charter by twenty countries necessary for the creation of ITO, Eric Wyndham White, Executive Secretary of the Interim Commission, stressed the importance of bringing ITO into being without delay. He described the organization as essentially a business-like approach towards the reduction of trade barriers and the expansion of trade on a multilateral, permanent basis.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document