scholarly journals Why U.S. Efforts to Promote the Rule of Law in Afghanistan Failed

2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-151 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey Swenson

Promoting the rule of law in Afghanistan has been a major U.S. foreign policy objective since the collapse of the Taliban regime in late 2001. Policymakers invested heavily in building a modern democratic state bound by the rule of law as a means to consolidate a liberal post-conflict order. Eventually, justice-sector support also became a cornerstone of counterinsurgency efforts against the reconstituted Taliban. Yet a systematic analysis of the major U.S.-backed initiatives from 2004 to 2014 finds that assistance was consistently based on dubious assumptions and questionable strategic choices. These programs failed to advance the rule of law even as spending increased dramatically during President Barack Obama's administration. Aid helped enable rent seeking and a culture of impunity among Afghan state officials. Despite widespread claims to the contrary, rule-of-law initiatives did not bolster counterinsurgency efforts. The U.S. experience in Afghanistan highlights that effective rule-of-law aid cannot be merely technocratic. To have a reasonable prospect of success, rule-of-law promotion efforts must engage with the local foundations of legitimate legal order, which are often rooted in nonstate authority, and enjoy the support of credible domestic partners, including high-level state officials.


Author(s):  
Eric Patterson

Scholars and political leaders have recently grown increasingly uncomfortable with terms like victory and ‘unconditional surrender’. One reason for this becomes clear when reconsidering the concept of ‘victory’ in terms of ethics and policy in times of war. The just war tradition emphasizes limits and restraint in the conduct of war but also highlights state agency, the rule of law, and appropriate war aims in its historic tenets of right authority, just cause, and right intention. Indeed, the establishment of order and justice are legitimate war aims. Should we not also consider them exemplars, or markers, of just victory? This chapter discusses debates over how conflicts end that have made ‘victory’ problematic and evaluates how just war principles—including jus post bellum principles—help define a moral post-conflict situation that is not just peace, but may perhaps be called ‘victory’ as well.



Author(s):  
Jerg Gutmann ◽  
Stefan Voigt

Abstract Many years ago, Emmanuel Todd came up with a classification of family types and argued that the historically prevalent family types in a society have important consequences for its economic, political, and social development. Here, we evaluate Todd's most important predictions empirically. Relying on a parsimonious model with exogenous covariates, we find mixed results. On the one hand, authoritarian family types are, in stark contrast to Todd's predictions, associated with increased levels of the rule of law and innovation. On the other hand, and in line with Todd's expectations, communitarian family types are linked to racism, low levels of the rule of law, and late industrialization. Countries in which endogamy is frequently practiced also display an expectedly high level of state fragility and weak civil society organizations.



2010 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-180
Author(s):  
Bronik Matwijkiw ◽  
Anja Matwijkiw

AbstractIn this article, the two authors examine the leap from business management to contemporary international law in the context of stakeholder theory. Because stakeholder theory was developed for business management, they provide a thorough account of the original framework. Furthermore, to illustrate the theory's application as a recently adopted parameter for the United Nations, they use former Secretary-General Kofi Atta Annan's 2004-report to the Security Council, "The Rule of Law and Transitional Justice in Conflict and Post-Conflict Societies". Proceeding on the hypothesis that while all premises ultimately match traditional positions in general jurisprudence, it appears that stakeholder theory nevertheless forces the United Nations to take sides in an unprecedented manner, especially pertaining to rights-typology and the credentials-checking for this. Finally, some of the most important implications are distilled as part of an attempt to formulate a few recommendations for United Nations justice managers and administrators.



2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 11-15
Author(s):  
Onischenko N.

The current state of Ukrainian society requires the scientific community to find answers to the general social impulses needed for reform strategies: from unconstructive attempts to replace the state with civil society to efforts aimed at their balanced interaction. It is the principle of social and political balance in the relationship between the rule of law and civil society should be the basis for correcting and correcting the unstable economic situation, overcoming acute social conflicts, establishing the rule of law, building a democratic state. It should be noted that it is quite clear that sometimes the implementation of a right requires at least not one, but clearly several opportunities, such as: economic, educational, social, gender, etc., existing in the relevant spatio-temporal continuum. Moreover, there is an indisputable thesis that there are no secondary or non-first-class or type of human rights, so every unrealized, not realized in time or not fully realized right, without a doubt, is based on the lack of, first of all, the corresponding real opportunities. It is also clear that the implementation of a certain right depends, for example, on the relevant regulations. we note that state-building processes, their dynamics, progressive trends depend on many factors. In this context, the interconnectedness of the development of a democratic, legal, social, European state and the formation of a mature, active, civil society was considered. Keywords: legal science, legal doctrine, human rights, rights and opportunities, legal development.



The article substantiates the idea that in the process of the formation and development of the foundations of a civil society and the rule of law, legal nihilism continues showing to a certain extent its potential and thus inhibiting progressive legal changes. Attention is focused on the peculiarities of the stability of legal nihilism and the problems of its gradual overcoming. It is emphasized in the offered article the importance of the law values priority, of the legal ideal, of the principle of social justice in the process of eradicating the manifestations of legal nihilism in the relevant areas of society life activity and personality. The authors came to the following conclusion: Values of law is a phenomenon of objective property, to be based on the ideas of the natural law, arising from the fact of human existence and directed exclusively to a person, to his rights and needs. Value entity of law really manifests itself only under operating conditions of civil society and legal state, recognising a person, his rights and freedoms as the highest social value. Legal nihilism begins losing its potential strength only when the majority of members of civil society recognize the priority of values of law. Confrontation of values of law and legal nihilism decisively narrows the scope of negative legal phenomena in all forms of their manifestation. Basing on the values of law, civil society institutions can solve problems being in the field of interests and needs of each person, so creating favourable conditions to eradicate legal nihilism. Using the truly valuable potential of law (first of all, legal law), civil society and legal state carry out transformations that ensure decent existence of any individual and by this minimizing the manifestation of legal nihilism. Even with a sufficiently high level of development of civil society and legal state, the practical negative attitude to legal nihilism should not weaken, because in the face of any social and legal reality, various offenses (including serious crimes) can be committed. Overcoming legal nihilism is associated with constant increase in the level of legal awareness and legal culture of the majority of members of civil society, which is a consequence of the following conclusions. Values of law is a phenomenon of objective property, based on the ideas of natural law, arising from the fact of a person’s existence and directed exclusively to a person, his rights and needs. The value essence of law really manifests itself only in the conditions of the functioning of civil society and the rule of law, recognize a person, his rights and freedoms as the highest social value. Legal nihilism begins to lose gradually its potential strength only when the majority of members of civil society recognize the priority of the values of law. The confrontation of the values of law and legal nihilism decisively narrows the scope of negative legal phenomena in all forms of their manifestation. Based on the values of law, civil society institutions can solve problems that are in the field of interests and needs of each person, which creates favourable conditions for the eradication of legal nihilism. Using the truly valuable potential of law (first of all, legal laws), civil society and the rule of law carry out those transformations that ensure the worthy existence of the individual and thereby minimize the manifestation of legal nihilism. Even with a sufficiently high level of development of civil society and legal law any negative attitude to legal nihilism should not be weaken, since in the conditions of any social and legal reality, various offenses (including serious crimes) can be committed. Overcoming legal nihilism is associated with permanent increase in the level of legal awareness and legal culture of the majority of civil society members which is a consequence of increase of quality of legal education and upbringing.



Author(s):  
Artur Nowak-Far

AbstractAt present, the European rule of law enforcement framework under Article 7 TEU (RLF) is vulnerable to unguaranteed, discretionary influences of the Member States. This vulnerability arises from its procedural format which requires high thresholds in decision-making with the effect that this procedure is prone to be terminated by the EU Member States likely to be scrutinized under it, if only they collude. Yet, the Framework may prove effective to correct serious breaches against human rights (in the context of ineffective rule of law standards). The European Commission is bound to pursue the RLF effectiveness for the sake of achieving relative uniformity of application of EU law (at large), and making the European Union a credible actor and co-creator of international legal order. The RLF is an important tool for the maintenance of relative stability of human rights and the rule of law in the EU despite natural divergence propensity resulting from the procedural autonomy of the EU Member States. By achieving this stability, the EU achieves significant political weight in international dialogue concerning human rights and the rule of law and preserves a high level of its global credibility in this context. Thus, RLF increases the EU’s effectiveness in promoting the European model of their identification and enforcement.



2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Finbar Benedict Kiddle

<p>The rule of law forms the bedrock for societal and institutional organisation in the Western world. International actors see its establishment in developing countries as a means to facilitate wider development work and an end in and of itself. However, development of the legitimacy of the rule of law is not well understood, especially in post-conflict environments where it is most lacking. Despite the best efforts of international interventions, the rule of law is often not in the paramount position it requires: it lacks legitimacy amongst the people. To understand why this is the case there is a need for a better understanding of how interventions develop legitimacy in the rule of law. This research develops that understanding and asks the question ‘how does the contemporary peacebuilding agenda develop the legitimacy of the rule of law in post-conflict states?’ To do this the research undertakes a case study investigation of a particular intervention: the Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands. Discourse and content analyses, carried out on interview transcripts and a wealth of documentation, reveal the different forces exerted by the intervention to develop legitimacy in the rule of law. These are interpreted through a particular lens: a modified version of Luke’s three faces of power that also draws on concepts of governmentality. A four-dimensional definition of legitimacy also allows for greater analytical depth. The research shows that the contemporary peacebuilding agenda can do some things very well. It is especially effective at the initial response to crisis. It is after the establishment of this basic security/performance dimension of the rule of law that interventions begin to develop their institutional/process dimension through capacity building. Capacity building divides into three levels: the individual, the organisation, and the state. It integrates the rule of law across the state edifice and establishes it as a foundational element of the system. However, the most important aspect of building legitimacy is the development of shared beliefs, as it is these that establish what is ‘true’ amongst a society. Contemporary peacebuilding interventions portray the rule of law as intrinsically legitimate and the correct, rational way of organising society. This idea permeates through their structures, discourses, and methods. However, the rule of law is not intrinsically legitimate. It is a culturally constructed concept that in many countries is in opposition with alternative ways of organising society and resolving conflict. Developing legitimacy in the rule of law is then a struggle between competing organisational systems. Such conflict jeopardises gains made by interventions, as the rule of law is fighting an uphill battle against other internalised, and often more locally reverent, norms. If it is to establish in post-conflict environments, the rule of law and competing systems need to interact to produce a locally relevant, hybrid, conception of the rule of law. One that is recognisable to all sides, but unique to the context. This leads to peace.</p>



2014 ◽  
Vol 96 (895-896) ◽  
pp. 881-900
Author(s):  
Annyssa Bellal

AbstractHow does the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) discharge its mandate of “promoting and protecting the effective enjoyment by all of all civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights”, especially in armed conflicts and other situations of violence? What are its concrete responsibilities, and how does it work to generate respect for the rule of law on the ground? This article aims to provide an overview of OHCHR's activities, and point to some of the challenges associated with its work to generate respect for the rule of law, in particular in violent contexts. It begins with an overview of the unique mandate of OHCHR and situates it within the broader United Nations human rights machinery. It then gives an account of OHCHR's experience and approach in building respect for the rule of law, including in armed conflicts and post-conflict situations, outlining how this informs OHCHR's field setup. Finally, the article summarizes the main challenges that OHCHR faces in the discharge of its mandate. It highlights the need for more concerted action on the part of human rights/humanitarian protection organizations on the ground, despite differences in mandates and constituencies.





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