Missing Elsewhere: Domain Extension in Contextual Allomorphy

2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-798
Author(s):  
Dmitry Ganenkov
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Domain Extension ◽  
Vocabulary Insertion

Much work in Distributed Morphology ( Embick 2010 , 2015 , Bobaljik 2012 , Harley, Tubino, and Haugen 2017 , Bobaljik and Harley to appear ) holds that morphosyntactically conditioned contextual allomorphy, including suppletion, can only work in a very local fashion: two morphemes must be linearly or structurally adjacent for one to determine the morphological exponence of the other. Recently, however, the existence of nonlocal patterns has come into focus, with growing evidence that nonlocal allomorphy is an attested empirical option. 1 In this squib, I discuss the allomorphy of verb stems in the Nakh-Daghestanian language Aqusha Dargwa and argue that the choice between allomorphs in morphological causatives in that language is determined nonlocally by tense-aspect-mood (TAM), proposing that Vocabulary Insertion (VI) can be exempt from locality requirements under certain conditions.

Exceptions to the Mirror Principle and morphophonological ‘action at a distance’

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neil Myler
Keyword(s):  
Temporal Order ◽  
The Other ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Linear Distance ◽  
Vocabulary Insertion ◽  
Non Local ◽  
Action At A Distance ◽  
Mirror Principle

Hyman (2000, 2002) and Kiparsky (2011) have noted that Mirror-Principle-violating morpheme orders often give rise to non-local morphophonological effects. Kiparsky (2011) explicitly argues that this generalization cannot be captured in syntactic approaches to morphology, such as Distributed Morphology. This chapter shows that the generalization can be explained via the combination of two pre-existing tenets of such theories. One is the idea that Vocabulary Insertion proceeds from the most deeply embedded constituent outwards (Bobaljik 2000; Halle and Marantz 1993). The other is the proposal that violations of the Mirror Principle are to be accounted for via phrasal movement of a category containing the lexical root ‘stranding’ one or more affixes (Koopman 2005; Buell 2005; i.a.). The possibility of non-local phonological effects arises because the movements involved in deriving Mirror-Principle-violating orders lead to a disconnect between linear distance from the root and temporal order of Vocabulary Insertion.

Suppletive verbal morphology in Korean and the mechanism of vocabulary insertion

2009 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 533-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
INKIE CHUNG
Keyword(s):  
Short Form ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Morphological Operations ◽  
Verbal Morphology ◽  
Phonological Features ◽  
Vocabulary Insertion ◽  
Correct Form ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Feature Negative ◽  
Late Insertion

This paper provides a Distributed Morphology analysis of the paradoxical interaction of the two cases of verbal suppletion in Korean, and argues that the two suppletion types are characterized by two different types of morphological operations. The two roots found with short-form negation and honorification suggest different morphological structures: [[Neg-V] Hon] for al- ‘know’, molu- ‘not.know’, a-si- ‘know-hon’, molu-si- (not *an(i) a-si-) ‘neg know-hon’; and [Neg [V-Hon]] for iss- ‘exist’, eps- ‘not.exist’, kyey-si- ‘exist-hon’, an(i) kyey-si- (not *eps-(u)-si-) ‘neg exist-hon’. Predicate repetition constructions support the [[Neg-V] Hon] structure. In this structure, however, the negative suppletion (analyzed as fusion of negation and the root) is blocked by the honorific suffix structurally more peripheral to the root. C-command is the only requirement for context allomorphy in Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993). Since the [+hon] feature c-commands the root, the root can show honorific suppletive allomorphy in the first cycle with negation intervening between the root and [+hon]. Negation fusion occurs in the second cycle after vocabulary insertion of the root. Fusion, then, should refer to vocabulary items, not abstract features, and will be interleaved with vocabulary insertion. If the output of the root is /kyey/ due to the honorific feature, negative suppletion will not apply and the correct form an(i) kyey-si- will be derived. Therefore, both of the distinct morphological operations for suppletion, i.e., fusion and contextual allomorphy, are necessary. The revised formulation of fusion shows that certain morphological operations follow vocabulary insertion. This derivational approach to the suppletion interaction provides support for separation of phonological and nonphonological features and for late insertion of phonological features.

A principle of economy in derivation in L2 grammar: Do everything in narrow syntax

2019 ◽  
pp. 026765831987996
Author(s):  
Shigenori Wakabayashi
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Computational System ◽  
Vocabulary Insertion

This article proposes a novel account for the overuse of free morphemes and underuse of bound morphemes in English as a second language (L2) based on the framework of Distributed Morphology. It will be argued that an Economy Principle ‘Do everything in Narrow Syntax (DENS)’ operates in the L2 learner’s computational system. Consequently, derivation in Morphology becomes as limited as possible except when applying Vocabulary Items to syntactic objects (Vocabulary Insertion). This results in non-target-like use/acceptance of certain morphemes: Bound morphemes are often omitted in early L2 grammar, and alternative free morphemes may apparently be used instead. Two types of data, namely the overuse of be reported in previous research, and the preference of to-infinitives over -ing gerunds in early L2 grammar, will be presented in support of the proposal, and the plausibility of the operation of DENS will be discussed.

scholarly journals Hindi nominal suffixes are bimorphemic: A Distributed Morphology analysis

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 20
Author(s):  
Yash Sinha
Keyword(s):  
Noun Phrase ◽  
The Other ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Morphological Operations ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Morphology Analysis ◽  
Adjectival Inflection ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The Right ◽  
Phonological Rules

This paper provides a Distributed Morphology (DM) analysis for Hindi nominal (noun and adjectival) inflection. Contra Singh & Sarma (2010), I argue that nominal suffixes contain two morphemes – a basic morpheme, and a restrictedly distributed additional morpheme. The presence of two different morphemes is especially evident when one compares noun and adjectival inflectional suffixes, which Singh & Sarma (2010) do not, since they only look at noun inflection.  I also show that the so-called adjectival inflectional suffixes are not limited to adjectives, and may occur on nouns, provided the noun is not at the right edge of the noun phrase. On the other hand, the regular noun inflection is only limited to nouns at the right edge of the noun phrase. This is demonstrated using a type of coordinative compound found in Hindi. Then, I take the fact that nouns can take either the regular noun inflection or the so-called “adjectival” inflection as motivation for a unified analysis for both sets of suffixes. I demonstrate that after undoing certain phonological rules, the difference between the “adjectival” and regular noun inflectional suffixes can be summarized by saying that the additional morpheme only surfaces in the regular noun inflectional suffixes. Finally, I provide vocabulary entries and morphological operations that can capture the facts about the distribution of the various basic and additional morphemes.

scholarly journals A MORFOLOGIA DISTRIBUÍDA E A NATUREZA DO SEGMENTO /R/ NA FLEXÃO VERBAL DO PORTUGUÊS BRASILEIRO | DISTRIBUTED MORPHOLOGY AND THE NATURE OF THE SEGMENT /R/ IN BRAZILIAN PORTUGUESE VERBAL INFLECTION

2016 ◽  
pp. 28
Author(s):  
Beatriz Pires Santana
Keyword(s):  
Phonological Similarity ◽  
Brazilian Portuguese ◽  
The Other ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Verbal Inflection ◽  
Vocabulary Item ◽  
The Future ◽  
Future Subjunctive ◽  
The One

<p>Seguindo Oltra-Massuet (1999) e Santana (2016), o presente trabalho adota a análise de que o formativo /r/ que compõe a desinência modo-temporal de alguns tempos verbais do português brasileiro é o Item de Vocabulário que realiza o traço de futuro. Objetivamos mostrar que tal conjectura tem o potencial de unificar cinco aspectos independentes da língua: (i) a semelhança fonológica entre os tempos futuro do presente, futuro do subjuntivo e futuro do pretérito, (ii) a existência do processo sintético e do processo analítico para a realização do futuro do presente e do futuro do pretérito, (iii) o fenômeno de hipercorreção das formas analíticas de futuro, (iv) a semelhança fonológica entre, de um lado, os tempos futuros e, de outro, o infinitivo e (v) o desaparecimento da marca de infinitivo, da marca de futuro do subjuntivo e dos futuros sintéticos na língua.</p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> <em>Following Oltra-Massuet (1999) and Santana (2016), the present work adopts the analysis that the formative /r/ making up some of the Brazilian Portuguese tense morphemes is the Vocabulary Item that spells out the future feature. We intend to demonstrate that such claim has the potential to unify five independent aspects of the language: (i) the phonological similarity between the future, the conditional and the future subjunctive tenses; (ii) the existence of the synthetic and the analytic processes for realizing the future and the conditional tenses; (iii) the hypercorrection phenomenon involving the analytic forms of the future and the conditional tenses; (iv) the phonological identity between, on the one hand, the future, the conditional and the future subjunctive and, on the other, the infinitive and (v) the loss of the segment /r/ in the infinitive and in the future subjunctive and the loss of the synthetic future and conditional.</em></p><p>Keywords: <em>Verbal Inflection; Theme Vowel; Distributed Morphology.</em></p>

scholarly journals The role of phonology in Vata adjectival agreement

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Phonological Constraints ◽  
Vocabulary Insertion ◽  
Opposite View ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract In realizational theories of morphology, different opinions exist on the relationship between phonology and Vocabulary Insertion. On the one hand, there are separational theories like Distributed Morphology (Halle & Marantz 1993), which assume that Vocabulary Insertion does not interact with the phonological component of the grammar. These theories predict that the properties of a language's regular phonology never play a role when vocabulary items (VIs) are inserted. The opposite view is held by integrational theories as, for instance, proposed in Wolf (2008). These theories assume that the general phonology of a language can influence Vocabulary Insertion. Based on adjectival agreement in the language Vata, I propose an integrational model that assumes that Vocabulary Insertion applies in an Optimality-Theoretic (Prince & Smolensky 1993) phonology, where regular phonological constraints are active. I propose that the phonology consists of two levels: one level where VIs are inserted and one level for regular phonology.

scholarly journals The Curious Case of Archi’s FATHER

2013 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Beata Moskal
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Structural Representation ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt:The central goal of this paper is to account for the discrepancy between, on the one hand, regularly observed root-suppletion in lexical nouns in the context of number, and, on the other hand, the lack of root-suppletion in lexical nouns in the context of case. In particular, to explain the lack of case-driven root-suppletion, I draw on the structural representation of nouns and combine that with locality claims as proposed in the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993).

scholarly journals Ellipsis as obliteration: Evidence from Bengali negative allomorphy

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 133
Author(s):  
Neil Banerjee
Keyword(s):  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Differential Object Marking ◽  
Vocabulary Insertion ◽  
Object Marking ◽  
Pf Deletion ◽  
Stress Placement

Bengali has two negative markers: ni with perfects, and na everywhere else. When a perfect is elided, however, only the elsewhere form is permissible. Hence, in Bengali, ellipsis bleeds allomorphy. Ellipsis in Bengali is analysed as PF deletion, since differential object marking and quirky case are preserved out of ellipsis sites. Given these facts, this paper argues that in a Distributed Morphology framework, ellipsis in Bengali is implemented as terminal obliteration prior to Vocabulary Insertion. This contrasts with Irish, where it appears stress placement bleeds ellipsis. Some implications for the timing of ellipsis cross-linguistically are discussed.

scholarly journals Raising or Lowering?—A Case Study of Alethic ACQ in Chinese and Southeast Asian Languages

2016 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 75-108
Author(s):  
Gong Cheng ◽  
Zhao-Hui Yi ◽  
Jian-Guo Xiong
Keyword(s):  
Southeast Asian ◽  
The Other ◽  
Distributed Morphology ◽  
Asian Languages ◽  
Compare And Contrast

AbstractThe present paper proposes a morphological lowering analysis for the structure associated with alethic ACQ, a postverbal morpheme capable of denoting the modality of ability and possibility in Chinese as well as many Southeast Asian languages. Built in the framework of distributed morphology, we suggest that ACQ is base-generated in a preverbal node as a modal element and lowers to a postverbal position during its derivation on the PF branch. We compare and contrast the proposed lowering account with the other model of analysis, the raising analysis, and demonstrate that the lowering account is superior both conceptually and empirically.

scholarly journals How to Merge a Root

2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 625-655 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marijke De Belder ◽  
Jeroen van Craenenbroeck
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Syntactic Category ◽  
Functional Material ◽  
Structural Position ◽  
Vocabulary Insertion

The main goal of this article is to show that four properties of roots can be derived in a principled manner from the theory of Merge. The properties in question are the following: (a) roots have no grammatical features, (b) roots have no syntactic category, (c) roots are defined structurally rather than lexically, and (d) roots are dominated by functional material (rather than the other way around). We argue that the first Merge operation in each cyclic domain creates a radically empty structural position at the foot of the structure in which a root can be inserted at the level of Vocabulary Insertion. The four abovementioned properties of roots can then be shown to follow straightforwardly from this theory.

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