scholarly journals On Black Affective Forms: A Conversation with Garrett Bradley

October ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 100-120
Author(s):  
Huey Copeland

Abstract In this conversation—recorded in 2019 for the artist's first solo museum exhibition—New Orleans–based Garrett Bradley discusses her filmic work as well as its relationship to institutional archives and personal communities with art historian Huey Copeland. What emerges is a critical account of Bradley's evolving Black feminist practice—its inspirations, antecedents, and analogues—which puts pressure on filmic conventions to move toward an “affective resymbolization” of America's racial imaginaries and the means through which they might be contested, shared, and visualized for audiences on all sides of the color line.

Author(s):  
Jason Berry

In the 1790s, as planters sold off land for faubourgs, or neighborhoods, New Orleans branched out. One such neighborhood was founded by Claude Tremé. Antonio de Sedella clashed with the vicar Rev. Patrick Walsh and his replacement Rev. John Olivier. Sedella became the elected pastor of St. Louis Cathedral, leading the one institution where people voluntarily gathered across the color line. Governor William C.C. Claiborne, a lawyer-turned-politician, governed a divided city. Conflicts arose between the French and American cultures, the black militia and white elite, and between Claiborne himself and his opponents. Faced with an influx of Haitian refugees, including whites, free people of color, and slaves, Claiborne faced the challenge of providing for the refugees deemed free while establishing the status of those the refugees considered as slaves. Many refugees who were legally free in Haiti became slaves in New Orleans. A slave revolt, with an estimated 500 rebels, broke out in 1811. Claiborne sent the local militia to put down the insurrection. Close to 100 of the rebels were killed. Advocates for statehood argued that Louisiana should join the U.S., and by admitting Louisiana in 1812, the U.S. cemented itself to a slave economy.


Author(s):  
Terrion L. Williamson

The conclusion ends with a personal narrative that is tied to the narrative that opens the book. It contends that “home” is an inaugural space of black feminist practice, and that because of the significance of home, which extends beyond the immediate and relational to the extended and communal, as a site of analysis, reckoning with it is an important endeavor in theorizing blackness and black social life.


2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Frymer ◽  
Dara Z. Strolovitch ◽  
Dorian T. Warren

Although political science provides many useful tools for analyzing the effects of natural and social catastrophes such as Hurricane Katrina and its aftermath, the scenes of devastation and inequality in New Orleans suggest an urgent need to adjust our lenses and reorient our research in ways that will help us to uncover and unpack the roots of this national travesty. Treated merely as exceptions to the “normal” functioning of society, dramatic events such as Katrina ought instead to serve as crucial reminders to scholars and the public that the quest for racial equality is only a work in progress. New Orleans, we argue, was not exceptional; it was the product of broader and very typical elements of American democracy—its ideology, attitudes, and institutions. At the dawn of the century after “the century of the color-line,” the hurricane and its aftermath highlight salient features of inequality in the United States that demand broader inquiry and that should be incorporated into the analytic frameworks through which American politics is commonly studied and understood. To this end, we suggest several ways in which the study of racial and other forms of inequality might inform the study of U.S. politics writ large, as well as offer a few ideas about ways in which the study of race might be re-politicized. To bring race back into the study of politics, we argue for greater attention to the ways that race intersects with other forms of inequality, greater attention to political institutions as they embody and reproduce these inequalities, and a return to the study of power, particularly its role in the maintenance of ascriptive hierarchies.


1996 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Alexandra Harris

In this critical personal narrative Harris explores some of the gaps between conceptions of feminist thought and feminist practice. Harris focuses on an analysis of race, class, and desire divisions within feminist sexual politics. She suggests a queer black feminist theory and practice that calls into question naturalized identities and communities, and therefore what feminism and feminist practices might entail.


Author(s):  
Lawrence A. Scaff

This chapter examines how Max Weber's travel through the American South helped him gain a better understanding of the problems of race and race relations in the former Confederacy, forty years after the end of the Civil War. Weber's reasons for making the journey from St. Louis, Missouri, through Memphis, Tennessee, to New Orleans, then north through Tuskegee, Alabama, to Atlanta and beyond are not entirely clear. He was interested in questions about race and the consequences of slavery, and his interest in agrarian economies also would have attracted him to the post-Civil War South. The chapter first considers Weber's exchanges with W.E.B Du Bois, which illuminate the former's focused interest in the problem of race in America, before discussing the lessons learned by Weber from his stay at Tuskegee. It also explores how Weber's experience in the South influenced his ideas about race, ethnicity, class, and caste.


2020 ◽  
Vol 88 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-439
Author(s):  
Laura McTighe

Abstract “We should be able to live and thrive, not just survive.” With these words, the Black feminist leaders of Women With A Vision (WWAV) in New Orleans refuse the religious and racist terror of post-Hurricane Katrina recovery—and theorize beyond the lethal logics that set their organizing home ablaze in a still-uninvestigated arson attack. This article approaches WWAV’s gauntlet as “theory on the ground”: theory developed in the midst of lived struggle, which carries forward the enduring resistant visions of generations past, and grows them in and through the geographies of the present, towards new and more livable futures. Drawing inspiration from Judith Weisenfeld’s study of religio-racial movements in New World A-Coming, this ethnography moves on the ground and in step with my comrades at WWAV to show how the spiritual work of building otherwise can transform both what we write (the content and theory of our scholarship) and how we write it (the methods and ethics of its undertaking). Centering WWAV’s world-building theory, learning from it, moving with it: this is essential decolonial academic praxis, which comes from and flows through a commitment to ending white supremacy and being an accomplice to Black liberation. In offering “theory on the ground” as both a model and an intervention, this article shows how ethnographers of religion, as well as those who use our tools and our texts, might study differently to build our field and our world otherwise.


Author(s):  
Terrion L. Williamson

The introduction makes the case for black feminist practice as a study of black sociality by way of a personal narrative that explores the terrain of meaning between thought and practice, feminism and feminist practice, and social life and social death. It consequently outlines the parameters of the book’s primary argument that the logics of representation, which are typically coded by terms such as value, visibility, citizenship, diversity, respectability and responsibility, largely fails to account for the reality of lived black experience. As such, there is a need to consider black social life from the perspective of those who are most closely attuned to and identified with the indicia of blackness.


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