The Political Landscape Surrounding Anti-Cruelty Legislation in Canada

2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-67 ◽  
Author(s):  
Antonio Robert Verbora

In 1998, the federal government launched a consultation process, which pointed out that nothing significant had been done to change federal anti-cruelty laws in Canada since 1892. The consultation process concluded that among other concerns, outdated wording of the law has prevented the prosecution of many serious nonhuman animal abusers. Since 1999, there have been a number of failed amendments to the Criminal Code anti-cruelty provisions. The study examines the trajectory of the proposed changes since 1999 to the present, using official transcripts of Canadian parliamentary debates, and seeks to understand the politics of animal cruelty legislation in Canada. Using thematic analysis, this paper explores how resistance to the amendments is articulated and rationalized, as well as the grounds upon which proponents argue in favor of amending the anti-cruelty provisions. The study ultimately sheds light on the failure to bring 19th century Canadian criminal laws into the 21st century.

2018 ◽  
Vol 16 (41) ◽  
Author(s):  
Theófilo Codeço Machado Rodrigues

O presente artigo analisa a forma como Marx e Engels, teóricos da política, inseriram-se no debate contemporâneo sobre a democracia no século XIX. Passada a Revolução Francesa de 1789, a democracia tornou-se o grande tema da agenda teórica do século XIX. Mas as interpretações foram, decerto, distintas. De modo bem diferente de seus contemporâneos liberais, Marx e Engels compuseram a justificativa teórica para a ação dos trabalhadores para além da democracia burguesa. Transitando entre temas como a “verdadeira democracia”, a “emancipação humana”, o “comunismo” e a “ditadura do proletariado”, os dois autores formularam teorias que não apenas informaram a grande polarização do século XX, mas que ainda referenciam debates sobre as possibilidades de uma alternativa ao capitalismo no século XXI. A hipótese aqui apresentada é a de que a tensão entre democracia e ditadura na obra dos dois permite interpretações díspares, o que garante sua permanência no debate atual.Palavras-Chave: teoria política; democracia; ditadura do proletariado; Karl Marx; Friedrich Engels.  Abstract − This article analyses how Marx and Engels, political theorists, entered the contemporary debate on democracy in the 19th century. After the French Revolution of 1789, democracy became the great theme of the theoretical agenda of the 19th century. But interpretations were certainly disparate. In a very different way from their liberal contemporaries, Marx and Engels composed the theoretical justification for the action of workers beyond the bourgeois democracy. Transitioning between topics such as “true democracy,” “Human Emancipation,” “communism,” and “dictatorship of the proletariat,” the two authors formulated theories that not only informed the great polarization of the 20th century, but which still are reference to debates about the possibilities of an alternative to capitalism in the 21st century. The hypothesis presented here is that the tension between democracy and dictatorship in the work of the two authors allows different interpretations that guarantee its permanence in the current debate.Keywords: political theory; democracy; dictatorship of the proletariat; Karl Marx; Friedrich Engels.


Author(s):  
Rory Duthie ◽  
Katarzyna Budzynska

Automatically recognising and extracting the reasoning expressed in natural language text is extremely demanding and only very recently has there been significant headway. While such argument mining focuses on logos (the content of what is said) evidence has demonstrated that using ethos (the character of the speaker) can sometimes be an even more powerful tool of influence. We study the UK parliamentary debates which furnish a rich source of ethos with linguistic material signalling the ethotic relationships between politicians. We then develop a novel deep modular recurrent neural network, DMRNN, approach and employ proven methods from argument mining and sentiment analysis to create an ethos mining pipeline. Annotation of ethotic statements is reliable and its extraction is robust (macro-F1 = 0.83), while annotation of polarity is perfect and its extraction is solid (macro-F1 = 0.84). By exploring correspondences between ethos in political discourse and major events in the political landscape through ethos analytics, we uncover tantalising evidence that identifying expressions of positive and negative ethotic sentiment is a powerful instrument for understanding the dynamics of governments.


Author(s):  
José Paulo Pietrafesa ◽  
Amone Inácia Alves ◽  
Pedro Araújo Pietrafesa

This study presents an analysis of the course of the agrarian conflicts that existed in Brazil, from 1940 to 2015, which placed the political-ideological centrality of the forces existing in the Brazilian rural sphere. The study is divided into two issues. a) The first, Social division of labor (Mészáros 2004) in the rural area due to the expansion of big rural properties, transforming the land for work into a land for business, opening a sequence of conflicts with peasants. b) The second refers to the analysis of data collected and organized by the Pastoral Land Commission (CPT in Portuguese), identifying agrarian conflicts in Brazil since 1985. The data offered until the year 2015 served as a meeting point to the history of Brazil, marked by its contradictions and memories, which at the same time, remaining alive, as if it is willing to continue to be an eternal present (Jameson 2002), through its structures of spoliation and conflict. Brazil entered the 21st century with large debts to be paid related to the 19th century. One of the biggest debits is the land issue. A question derived from these struggles, and not very simple to answer, is: does the number of families and areas involved in the conflicts change the national land structure in its productive and political aspects? Nowadays, these actions are organized by historical subjects, transforming individual demands into collective proposals in which social subjects perceive themselves as a political force and consolidate knowledge in a permanent educational process. Conflict data registered by the CPT (1985-2016) indicate that there was no change in popular demands for land property and use, and this may also indicate that there was no change in the Brazilian land structure


1970 ◽  
pp. 47-55
Author(s):  
Sarah Limorté

Levantine immigration to Chile started during the last quarter of the 19th century. This immigration, almost exclusively male at the outset, changed at the beginning of the 20th century when women started following their fathers, brothers, and husbands to the New World. Defining the role and status of the Arab woman within her community in Chile has never before been tackled in a detailed study. This article attempts to broach the subject by looking at Arabic newspapers published in Chile between 1912 and the end of the 1920s. A thematic analysis of articles dealing with the question of women or written by women, appearing in publications such as Al-Murshid, Asch-Schabibat, Al-Watan, and Oriente, will be discussed.


Author(s):  
James J. Coleman

At a time when the Union between Scotland and England is once again under the spotlight, Remembering the Past in Nineteenth-Century Scotland examines the way in which Scotland’s national heroes were once remembered as champions of both Scottish and British patriotism. Whereas 19th-century Scotland is popularly depicted as a mire of sentimental Jacobitism and kow-towing unionism, this book shows how Scotland’s national heroes were once the embodiment of a consistent, expressive and robust view of Scottish nationality. Whether celebrating the legacy of William Wallace and Robert Bruce, the reformer John Knox, the Covenanters, 19th-century Scots rooted their national heroes in a Presbyterian and unionist view of Scotland’s past. Examined through the prism of commemoration, this book uncovers collective memories of Scotland’s past entirely opposed to 21st-century assumptions of medieval proto-nationalism and Calvinist misery. Detailed studies of 19th-century commemoration of Scotland’s national heroes Uncovers an all but forgotten interpretation of these ‘great Scots’ Shines a new light on the mindset of nineteenth-century Scottish national identity as being comfortably Scottish and British Overturns the prevailing view of Victorian Scottishness as parochial, sentimental tartanry


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 ◽  
pp. 140-155
Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Badalyan

“Zemsky Sobor” was one of the key concepts in Russian political discourse in the 19th and the beginning of the 20th centuries. It can be traced to the notion well-known already since the 17th century. Still in the course of further evolution it received various mew meaning and connotations in the discourse of different political trends. The author of the article examines various stages of this concept configuring in the works of the Decembrists, especially Slavophiles, and then in the political projects and publications of the socialists, liberals and “aristocratic” opposition.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Druckman ◽  
Samara Klar ◽  
Yanna Krupnikov ◽  
Matthew Levendusky ◽  
John B. Ryan

Affective polarization is a defining feature of 21st century American politics—partisans harbor considerable dislike and distrust of those from the other party. Does this animus have consequences for citizens’ opinions? Such effects would highlight not only the consequences of polarization, but also shed new light onto how citizens form preferences more generally. Normally, this question is intractable, but the outbreak of the novel coronavirus allows us to answer it. We find that affective polarization powerfully shapes citizens’ attitudes about the pandemic, as well as the actions they have taken in response to it. However, these effects are conditional on the local severity of the outbreak, as the effects decline in areas with high caseloads—threat vitiates partisan reasoning. Our results clarify that closing the divide on important issues requires not just policy discourse but also attempts to reduce inter-partisan hostility.


Author(s):  
Harry Nedelcu

The mid and late 2000s witnessed a proliferation of political parties in European party systems. Marxist, Libertarian, Pirate, and Animal parties, as well as radical-right and populist parties, have become part of an increasingly heterogeneous political spectrum generally dominated by the mainstream centre-left and centre-right. The question this article explores is what led to the surge of these parties during the first decade of the 21st century. While it is tempting to look at structural arguments or the recent late-2000s financial crisis to explain this proliferation, the emergence of these parties predates the debt-crisis and can not be described by structural shifts alone . This paper argues that the proliferation of new radical parties came about not only as a result of changes in the political space, but rather due to the very perceived presence and even strengthening of what Katz and Mair (1995) famously dubbed the "cartelization" of mainstream political parties.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v7i1.210


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