Methodological foundations of the spatial development of the region: content, conceptual instrument

Through a methodology of documentary and dialectical basis, in the article, the authors investigate the methodological foundations of the spatial development of the region, through the study of its content and conceptual instrument. In the same way, different points of view on the concept of "region" are presented, the fundamental methodological elements of the formation and organization of the socio-economic development of the region are listed, characterizing the potential of natural resources and the socio-economic development of the municipal districts. Based on this information, the region's place in the social division of labor was determined, the development prospects of the districts were outlined, and the cause-and-effect relationships of the region's socioeconomic indicators were also established. By way of conclusion, everything indicates that the socio-economic development of the region under modern conditions is seen, in the first place, in self-sufficiency. Therefore, your accumulated potential must first be assessed to make a real assessment and then organize a search for the missing resources and funds. The use of a type of strategic management at all levels of management of the political system is the key to a balanced and successful development.

‘Four walls and a garden’: Exploring the experiences of families affected by dementia during the COVID-19 pandemic

Introduction When the first national COVID-19 lockdown came into effect in the UK in March 2020, life changed significantly. Some services and social contacts for people with dementia and their families stopped, while others, for example, peer support, moved online. This research explored the experiences of families affected by dementia during the pandemic, specifically those living in the community. Aims In partnership with a community dementia charity, this study sought to gain an understanding of the experiences of people with dementia and family carers during the COVID-19 pandemic and explore the impact and implications of lockdown on people with dementia and family carers. Methods This was a qualitative study that used semi-structured interviews to collect data from people with dementia and family carers. Interviews were conducted online via video call, individually or within caring dyads. Initially, data were coded, analysed and themed inductively. Additionally, social disruption and social division theories were used to deductively identify patterns in the data to enhance understanding. Findings Six distinct themes were identified from the inductive analysis: Routine: ‘busy life before lockdown’; Isolation: ‘ four walls and a garden’; Living with restrictions: ‘ treading on eggshells’; Discovering positives: ‘you are in the same boat’; Easing lockdown: ‘ raring to go’; Heightened uncertainty: ‘ things have changed’. Illustrative examples of symptoms of social disruption and division were identified within the data: frustration, democratic disconnection, fragmentation, polarisation and escalation. Conclusion Experiences of people with dementia and family carers during the pandemic were mixed, resulting in hopes and worries for the future. Social disruption and social division are relevant frameworks for analysing experiences of COVID-19.

An Early Power-Sharing Regime: The Alternativa System in Spanish Colonial America

The alternativa system in Spanish American religious orders was an early example of deliberate electoral engineering to address the problem of social division. It was subject to criticism, however, for stealing voters’ freedom, ignoring the rights of candidates, and restricting access to competent officeholders. Moreover, it often gave disproportionate power to a minority faction. Hence, the alternativa remained, at best, an expedient, short-term solution to the problem of factionalism. Examining the canonists’ debate about the alternativa is instructive because it reveals the darker moral side of power-sharing regimes whenever and wherever they occur.

FROM RELIGIOUS DIVISION TO SOCIAL DIVISION: TO THE QUESTION OF THE EVOLUTION OF THE VIEWS OF A.P. SHCHAPOV

В статье рассматривается эволюция взглядов А.П. Щапова на раскол. Первоначально он придерживался традиционной концепции, считавшей раскол порождением невежества народа и его приверженности старине. Через несколько лет Щапов уже утверждал, что раскол - это выражение недовольства народа усилением феодальной зависимости, проявившееся в религиозной форме. Причем среди направлений раскола он уделяет внимание тому, которое предполагало общий труд. Таким образом, его позиция совпала с позицией революционных демократов и некоторых русских историков, рассматривавших религиозные движения (преимущественно европейские) как форму выражения интересов определенных социальных групп. The article considers the evolution of A. P. Shchapov's views on the religious split. Initially, he adhered to the traditional concept, which considered the split to be a product of the ignorance of the people and their adherence to the past. A few years later, Shchapov already argued that the split was an expression of the people's discontent with the strengthening of feudal dependence, manifested in a religious form. Moreover, among the directions of the split, he pays attention to the one that suggested common labor. Thus, his position coincided with the position of the revolutionary democrats and some Russian historians who considered religious movements (mainly European) as a form of expressing the interests of certain social groups.

Social stratification without genetic differentiation at the site of Kulubnarti in Christian Period Nubia

Relatively little is known about Nubia’s genetic landscape prior to the influence of the Islamic migrations that began in the late 1st millennium CE. Here, we increase the number of ancient individuals with genome-level data from the Nile Valley from three to 69, reporting data for 66 individuals from two cemeteries at the Christian Period (~650–1000 CE) site of Kulubnarti, where multiple lines of evidence suggest social stratification. The Kulubnarti Nubians had ~43% Nilotic-related ancestry (individual variation between ~36–54%) with the remaining ancestry consistent with being introduced through Egypt and ultimately deriving from an ancestry pool like that found in the Bronze and Iron Age Levant. The Kulubnarti gene pool – shaped over a millennium – harbors disproportionately female-associated West Eurasian-related ancestry. Genetic similarity among individuals from the two cemeteries supports a hypothesis of social division without genetic distinction. Seven pairs of inter-cemetery relatives suggest fluidity between cemetery groups. Present-day Nubians are not directly descended from the Kulubnarti Nubians, attesting to additional genetic input since the Christian Period.

What Freirean Critical Pedagogy Says and Overlooks from a Durkheimian Perspective

“Critical pedagogy” has become a prevalent grammar furthering the necessity of a change in pedagogy from a banking‐style to problem‐posing approach, which it argues will facilitate students’ development of independent values and equip them to lead the liberation of society from authoritarianism into democracy. To achieve this, classrooms need to serve as cultural forums, through which either engaged pedagogy or negotiated authority empowers teachers and students to engage in free dialogues that problematize school textbooks as “cultural politics.” This empowerment demands that teachers perform as transformative intellectuals, dedicating themselves to the amelioration of inequity in educational results by reconstructing new texts, making them more accessible to working‐class students. While these theoretical lexicons envision a new perspective for the “educational function,” alleviation of the phenomenon of cultural reproduction can only occur if critical pedagogists pay more attention to academic curricula. Student achievements in such curricula, which respond to the demands of the social division of labor, have a profound influence on their potential social mobility.

Looking for a sociology worthy of its name: Claude Lefort and his conception of social division

The aim of this article is to question the nature of the socio-anthropological approach in Lefort’s thought. The author explores the complex relationship between Lefort and the Durkheimian French school of sociology in four stages: in the first, he shows Lefort as a sociologist ‘worthy of its name’ or, in other words, a sociologist interested in questioning the ‘institution of the social’. In the second, he focuses on the disturbing elements that Lefort introduces: the political and the division into the French sociological approach. In the third stage, he focuses his attention on the sociological approach in Lefort’s way of thinking about democratic society. Finally, he concludes by referring to Lefort’s apparent opposition between philosophy and social sciences – and the errors that this may have engendered – in order to demonstrate the continuity of Lefort’s sociological approach.

How Time is More than Money: The Mural as a Labour of Love

This article proposes that of all the different ways that social connections are formed the most important factor is time. Given how central it is to the development of relationships, the article argues that projects aiming to improve community relations should extend their duration rather than truncate it for the sake of cost-efficiency or quick and apparent success. The project of specific focus is the making of community murals which is laden with potential but only when it is conceived in the entirety of the process rather than simply as an end product. This potential is based on the idea that more time, if used carefully and critically, can play a greater role in fostering positive relations in contexts where civic engagement is strained. Several case studies will be referenced from the United States of America and Northern Ireland, two societies that share both a tradition of mural making and social division, in terms of race relations and ethnonational/religious sectarianism respectively. Practical insights from these cases substantiate the central argument that the mural process affords moments for valuable cross-community contact, critical discussion, and meaningful reflection. When this approach is adopted, time can be best served in repairing social connections, creating new bonds and even mitigating further tension.

Lorenz von Stein und Hermann Heller als Ahnherren des deutschen Sozialstaats. Soziales Königtum und sozialer Rechtsstaat im Dienste der Freiheit

Lorenz von Stein und Hermann Heller können als Ahnherren des deutschen Sozialstaats verstanden werden. Ausgehend von einem hegelschen Staatsbegriff sind ihre Theorien vom Prinzip der Freiheit geleitet, das als Bedingung und als Ziel staatlicher Fürsorge dient. Im Kontext der Revolutionen von 1848 diagnostiziert Stein eine soziale Spaltung, welche für ihn die Gefahr eines immerwährenden Kriegs zwischen den Klassen birgt. In der Folge entwickelt er seine Theorie des sozialen Königtums, das die freie Selbstverwirklichung aller Bürger befördern soll. Heller führt die Instabilität der Weimarer Demokratie auf eine zu große soziale Heterogenität zurück, die er auf ökonomische Ungleichheit zurückführt. Durch die Weiterentwicklung des liberalen Staats zu einem sozialen Rechtsstaat soll die Integration aller Bürger in Staat, Nation und Kulturgemeinschaft ermöglicht werden. Lorenz von Stein and Hermann Heller can be understood as forefathers of the German welfare state. Based on a Hegelian concept of the state, their theories are guided by the principle of liberty that serves as condition and as goal of state welfare. In the context of the 1848 revolutions, Stein diagnoses a social division that could lead to perpetual war between the classes. Consequently, he develops his theory of social kingship, which serves to promote the free self-actualization of all citizens. Heller attributes the instability of Weimar democracy to excessive social heterogeneity caused by economic inequality. By developing the liberal state into a social constitutional state, he seeks to enable the integration of all citizens into state, nation and cultural community.