Against the Monist Model of Tang Poetics

T oung Pao ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 107 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 633-687
Author(s):  
Lucas Rambo Bender

Abstract In recent decades, a significant amount of Western scholarship on traditional Chinese poetry and poetics has either proposed or assumed a vision of the art underwritten by the supposed “monism,” “nonduality,” and “immanence” of traditional Chinese worldviews. This essay argues that although these were important ideas in certain periods and contexts, they cannot be taken as unproblematically defining the world of thought in which poetry operated during the Tang dynasty. Instead, Tang writers more routinely drew in their discussions of art upon the epistemological tensions and discontinuities posited by medieval intellectual and religious traditions. For this reason, they often outlined models of poetry very different from those most common in contemporary criticism.

Author(s):  
Zhaohui Bao

This essay surveys Christian poetry in the Tang dynasty to the Republic of China era. It discusses two basic criteria for defining the constitution and requirements of Christian poetry. It also looks at poetic elements of Christian motifs and biblical genres as they were used in Christian poetry composed by foreign missionaries, non-Christians, and Chinese Christians. This essay also describes how Chinese Christian poets used the styles of Chinese poetry to express the themes of Christianity in different historical periods. According to this period, Xu Guangqi, Wang Zheng, Wu Li, Zhao Zichen, and Bing Xin are the important Christian poets. Wu Jingxiong, Zhu Weizhi, John Chalmers, and Frederick William Baller are excellent translators who translated Hebrew poems into Chinese poetic style. The essay discusses the contributions of Chinese Christian poetry to Chinese writing and the limitations of their writing based on context.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 303-317
Author(s):  
Ben Hutchinson

The publication, in 1908, of Hans Bethge's Die chinesische Flöte marked a highpoint in the reception of Chinese poetry in modern Europe. Bethge's ‘Nachdichtungen’ (‘after-poems’) of poems from the Tang dynasty through to the late 1800s were extraordinarily popular, and were almost immediately immortalized by Gustav Mahler's decision to use a selection from them as the text for Das Lied von der Erde (1909). Yet Bethge could not read Chinese, and so based his poems on existing translations by figures including Judith Gautier, whose Livre de Jade had appeared in 1867. This article situates Bethge's reception of Chinese poetry – and in particular, that of Li-Tai-Po (Li Bai) – within the context of European chinoiserie, notably by concentrating on his engagement with a recurring imagery of lyrics and Lieder. Although he was deaf to the music of Chinese, Bethge was extremely sensitive to the ways in which Li-Tai-Po's self-conscious reflections on poetic creation underlay his ‘after-poems’ or Nachdichtungen, deriving his impetus from images of the rebirth of prose – songs, birdsong, lyrics, Lieder – as poetry. The very form of the ‘lyric’ emerges as predicated on its function as echo: the call of the Chinese flute elicits the response of the European willow. That this is necessarily a comparative process – between Asia and Europe, between China, France, and Germany – suggests its resonance as an example of the West-Eastern lyric.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Yi Liu ◽  
Casey Lee

AbstractThe ancient Chinese people believed that they existed at the center of the world. With the arrival of Buddhism in China came a new cosmic worldview rooted in Indian culture that destabilized the Han [huaxia 華夏] people’s long-held notions of China as the Middle Kingdom [Zhongguo 中國] and had a profound influence on medieval Daoism. Under the influence of Buddhist cosmology, Daoists reformed their idea of Middle Kingdom, for a time relinquishing its signification of China as the center of the world. Daoists had to acknowledge the existence of multiple kingdoms outside China and non-Han peoples [manyi 蠻夷] who resided on the outskirts of the so-called Middle Kingdom as potential followers of Daoism. However, during the Tang dynasty, this capacious attitude ceased to be maintained or passed on. Instead, Tang Daoists returned to a notion of Middle Kingdom that reinstated the traditional divide between Han and non-Han peoples.


1987 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 350
Author(s):  
Pauline Yu ◽  
Stephen Owen

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (10) ◽  
pp. 16-23
Author(s):  
Sergey A. Komissarov ◽  
Aleksandr I. Soloviev

The authors investigate the historical fate of one of four construction mega-projects of Qin Shihuangdi, namely, Epang Palace which was supposed to become the worthy dwelling for the first unifier of the Celestial Empire. Construction workers erected the giant platform-stylobate and built three walls around it. During the Middle Ages (from the end of the Han dynasty and up to the Tang dynasty) it accommodated the military Echeng settlement. Within the same period of time, by the efforts of literati and, first of all, by prominent poet Du Mu (803–852) who wrote “The Ode on Epang Palace”, a myth was created about the wonderful residence of the Emperor with many features such as watchtowers, pavilions and galleries, and how all these beauties were destroyed by rebellions in the great fire. Nevertheless, regular archaeological excavations conducted at the site during the period of 2002–2004 did not reveal any traces of such a fire. The Palace wasn’t burned down – it was simply never constructed. Furthermore, though the huge base platform of the Palace was registered by UNESCO experts as the biggest palace building in the world, no further complicated constructions were found on its surface (though some evidence of preparatory works were reported, for example, the many pieces of roofing tiles that were lifted to the platform). The results of archaeological investigations of real Epang meant the death-warrant to false Epang that was built by local authorities as popular tourist attraction, means a source of money. It was ruined in 2012 and replaced with archaeological park where all construction works were to be based on scientific reconstruction.


Author(s):  
David Porter

This chapter begins with an overview of the nineteenth-century history of the idea of China as an ‘aesthetic’ culture, or one that might be best apprehended through an aesthetic lens, in contrast to the ‘theoretical’ disposition of the West. In order to examine the function of the idea of a ‘Chinese aesthetic’ for Modernist writers, and the Bloomsbury group in particular, it focuses on Lytton Strachey’s play The Son of Heaven (1913), asking what imaginative needs does it serve and which characteristic features of Modernism the ‘Chinese aesthetic’ enables or brings to the foreground? In doing so it explains the origins of the early 20c obsession with Chinese poetry of the Tang dynasty, and how this poetry came to embody the notion of a Chinese civilizational aesthetic.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-54
Author(s):  
Geraldine Heng

An ordinary ship and its cargo can tell the story of far-flung global markets, human voyaging, and early industrialization in China that supplied exports to the world. Sometime after 825 CE an Arab dhow set sail from the port of Guangzhou in coastal south China, having unloaded its goods from the Near East, and reloaded with some estimated 70,000 ceramics and other items, on its return voyage to the Abbasid empire. Taking the route that has been called “the maritime silk road,” this hand-sewn ship made of planks fastened with coconut fiber (without any nails) seems to have decided to offload some cargo first in maritime Southeast Asia, perhaps intending to pick up a secondary cargo of spices, resins, and aromatics for which the Indonesian islands were famed. The dhow sank near the island of Belitung, at a reef called Batu Hitam (“Black Rock”). Fifty-five thousand ceramic wares, along with gold and silver ornaments, ingots, mirrors, ewers, vases, jars, cups, incense burners, boxes, flasks, bottles, graters, and the like—and two objects that may have been children’s toys, and a re-soldered gold bracelet sized for a woman’s wrist—were excavated intact in 1998, and are housed at the Asian Civilisations Museum in Singapore. This ninth-century dhow is the only ship of its kind ever recovered, though hand-sewn ships that plied the Indian Ocean are described in travel accounts from as early as the first-century CE. The dhow is a remarkable example of the global ships carrying people, goods, ideas, religion, and culture, which knit the world into relationship along transoceanic routes. Its vast trove of ceramics is the earliest physical evidence attesting the industrial production of ceramics in China for export to foreign markets as early as the Tang Dynasty (618–907). Designs painted on the great majority of the ceramic wares were favored in the export market, not in China. Part of the trove includes prototypes of blue-and-white ceramics for which China would become famous 400 years later: ceramic experiments that feature Iraqi designs attesting global interrelationships in art and the exchange of ideas. The crews of ships such as this one were multiracial, multireligious, and assembled from everywhere: The cargo, knowledges, and stories these diverse, anonymous voyagers helped to transfer across the world transform our understanding of scale, time, and globalism.


2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-163
Author(s):  
VALERIE HANSEN ◽  
HELEN WANG

Most economists and historians today conceive of money in narrow terms – probably because they have grown up in the modern world and are used to our system of coins, paper notes, cheques and credit cards. Although economic historians are generally aware that some earlier societies (in Africa, Scandinavia and elsewhere) used other items as money, they do not usually pay much attention to these examples. Few realise that the government of China, governing an empire of some 60 million people during the Tang dynasty (618–907), implemented a complex financial system that recognised grain, coins and textiles as money. The government received taxes in coin and in kind, produced to specific standards (specific widths and lengths of textiles) that would then be redistributed, being used for official salaries and military expenses among other expenditures. Although some of the surviving evidence comes from the Silk Road sites of Turfan, Dunhuang and Khotan in northwest China (where the dry climate has preserved many documents and some actual examples of tax textiles), this multicurrency system was in use throughout the entire empire during the seventh to tenth centuries. At the time, Tang China was possibly the largest economy in the world, rivalled only by the Abbasid Empire (751–1258).


1986 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 361
Author(s):  
Michelle Yeh ◽  
Stephen Owen

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