scholarly journals An Ordinary Ship and Its Stories of Early Globalism

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 11-54
Author(s):  
Geraldine Heng

An ordinary ship and its cargo can tell the story of far-flung global markets, human voyaging, and early industrialization in China that supplied exports to the world. Sometime after 825 CE an Arab dhow set sail from the port of Guangzhou in coastal south China, having unloaded its goods from the Near East, and reloaded with some estimated 70,000 ceramics and other items, on its return voyage to the Abbasid empire. Taking the route that has been called “the maritime silk road,” this hand-sewn ship made of planks fastened with coconut fiber (without any nails) seems to have decided to offload some cargo first in maritime Southeast Asia, perhaps intending to pick up a secondary cargo of spices, resins, and aromatics for which the Indonesian islands were famed. The dhow sank near the island of Belitung, at a reef called Batu Hitam (“Black Rock”). Fifty-five thousand ceramic wares, along with gold and silver ornaments, ingots, mirrors, ewers, vases, jars, cups, incense burners, boxes, flasks, bottles, graters, and the like—and two objects that may have been children’s toys, and a re-soldered gold bracelet sized for a woman’s wrist—were excavated intact in 1998, and are housed at the Asian Civilisations Museum in Singapore. This ninth-century dhow is the only ship of its kind ever recovered, though hand-sewn ships that plied the Indian Ocean are described in travel accounts from as early as the first-century CE. The dhow is a remarkable example of the global ships carrying people, goods, ideas, religion, and culture, which knit the world into relationship along transoceanic routes. Its vast trove of ceramics is the earliest physical evidence attesting the industrial production of ceramics in China for export to foreign markets as early as the Tang Dynasty (618–907). Designs painted on the great majority of the ceramic wares were favored in the export market, not in China. Part of the trove includes prototypes of blue-and-white ceramics for which China would become famous 400 years later: ceramic experiments that feature Iraqi designs attesting global interrelationships in art and the exchange of ideas. The crews of ships such as this one were multiracial, multireligious, and assembled from everywhere: The cargo, knowledges, and stories these diverse, anonymous voyagers helped to transfer across the world transform our understanding of scale, time, and globalism.

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-196
Author(s):  
Yi Liu ◽  
Casey Lee

AbstractThe ancient Chinese people believed that they existed at the center of the world. With the arrival of Buddhism in China came a new cosmic worldview rooted in Indian culture that destabilized the Han [huaxia 華夏] people’s long-held notions of China as the Middle Kingdom [Zhongguo 中國] and had a profound influence on medieval Daoism. Under the influence of Buddhist cosmology, Daoists reformed their idea of Middle Kingdom, for a time relinquishing its signification of China as the center of the world. Daoists had to acknowledge the existence of multiple kingdoms outside China and non-Han peoples [manyi 蠻夷] who resided on the outskirts of the so-called Middle Kingdom as potential followers of Daoism. However, during the Tang dynasty, this capacious attitude ceased to be maintained or passed on. Instead, Tang Daoists returned to a notion of Middle Kingdom that reinstated the traditional divide between Han and non-Han peoples.


2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 331-334
Author(s):  
H. Oda ◽  
H. Yasu ◽  
K. Ikeda ◽  
M. Sakamoto ◽  
Y. Yoshizawa

Abstract The Miidera-gire is an ancient paper sheet with different, elegant calligraphy on both sides. One side contains a part of a Buddhist scripture from around the ninth to the twelfth century and written in cursive hand, while the other side contains a part of Monzen (an anthology of Chinese literary works). The paleographical style of this Monzen seems to be older than that of the Buddhist scripture and is similar to some Chinese manuscripts written in the Tang Dynasty (AD 618–907). However, amid these elegant calligraphic writings, there exist many copies and counterfeits that were written several centuries later. We, therefore, measured the radiocarbon age of the Miidera-gire by using accelerator mass spectrometry. The calibrated radiocarbon age indicated 666–776 [cal AD] (2σ error), thus leading to the conclusion that the Monzen was first written on the obverse side, and long afterwards, the Buddhist scripture was written on the reverse side. Since only a few incomplete books of Monzen were written before the ninth century, this calligraphy is one of the oldest of the existing Monzen manuscripts.


Archaeometry ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (3) ◽  
pp. 574-587
Author(s):  
M. Spataro ◽  
N. Wood ◽  
N. Meeks ◽  
A. Meek ◽  
S. Priestman

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (10) ◽  
pp. 16-23
Author(s):  
Sergey A. Komissarov ◽  
Aleksandr I. Soloviev

The authors investigate the historical fate of one of four construction mega-projects of Qin Shihuangdi, namely, Epang Palace which was supposed to become the worthy dwelling for the first unifier of the Celestial Empire. Construction workers erected the giant platform-stylobate and built three walls around it. During the Middle Ages (from the end of the Han dynasty and up to the Tang dynasty) it accommodated the military Echeng settlement. Within the same period of time, by the efforts of literati and, first of all, by prominent poet Du Mu (803–852) who wrote “The Ode on Epang Palace”, a myth was created about the wonderful residence of the Emperor with many features such as watchtowers, pavilions and galleries, and how all these beauties were destroyed by rebellions in the great fire. Nevertheless, regular archaeological excavations conducted at the site during the period of 2002–2004 did not reveal any traces of such a fire. The Palace wasn’t burned down – it was simply never constructed. Furthermore, though the huge base platform of the Palace was registered by UNESCO experts as the biggest palace building in the world, no further complicated constructions were found on its surface (though some evidence of preparatory works were reported, for example, the many pieces of roofing tiles that were lifted to the platform). The results of archaeological investigations of real Epang meant the death-warrant to false Epang that was built by local authorities as popular tourist attraction, means a source of money. It was ruined in 2012 and replaced with archaeological park where all construction works were to be based on scientific reconstruction.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-38
Author(s):  
Watanabe Shin'ichirō

This article analyzes the special historical characteristics of prefecture-level regional financial administration during the latter half of the Tang Dynasty, which had as its primary revenue source the twice-a-year tax legally established in 780. Prefectural financial administration during this period consisted of three components: the portion of the twice-a-year tax retained by prefectures (liuzhou), “money for public use” (gongyongqian), and the ever-normal and charity granaries (changping yicang). Each of these elements made its appearance at separate times from the Northern Wei to the Sui. Following the establishment of the twice-a-year tax law, they became consolidated as components of prefectural financial administration at the beginning of the ninth century. At the same time, these components of prefectural financial administration became subject to the control of the central government, especially with regard to the “money for public use,” the section over which prefectures exercised the broadest discretion. In the early Northern Song, at the end of the tenth century, all revenue sources (beyond those used to meet obligatory expenses such as the stipends of bureaucrats) came to be retrieved by the central government, and prefectural financial administration came to be placed directly under central control.


T oung Pao ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 107 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 633-687
Author(s):  
Lucas Rambo Bender

Abstract In recent decades, a significant amount of Western scholarship on traditional Chinese poetry and poetics has either proposed or assumed a vision of the art underwritten by the supposed “monism,” “nonduality,” and “immanence” of traditional Chinese worldviews. This essay argues that although these were important ideas in certain periods and contexts, they cannot be taken as unproblematically defining the world of thought in which poetry operated during the Tang dynasty. Instead, Tang writers more routinely drew in their discussions of art upon the epistemological tensions and discontinuities posited by medieval intellectual and religious traditions. For this reason, they often outlined models of poetry very different from those most common in contemporary criticism.


T oung Pao ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 103 (4-5) ◽  
pp. 407-447
Author(s):  
Anna M. Shields

This article examines the Tang dynasty anecdote collection Guo shi bu 國史補 (Supplement to the History of the State), compiled by Li Zhao 李肇 (?-after 827) in part as a critique of imperial government and elite social mores of the early decades of the ninth century. A quantitative analysis of topic frequency and distribution in the collection reveals Li Zhao’s techniques for depicting the corruption or political brilliance of the reigns of Tang emperors, as well as his admiration of powerful aristocratic clans, and his disdain for social climbing, perspectives that likely stemmed from his experiences as an official in Xianzong’s court and his elite family background. Understanding the organization, underlying themes, and structure of individual anecdotes of the Guo shi bu allows us to see the ways that anecdotes and “miscellaneous” histories ultimately shaped official accounts of the Tang dynasty.
Cet article examine la collection d’anecdotes d’époque Tang Guo shi bu 國史補 (supplément à l’histoire de l’Etat) compilée par Li Zhao 李肇 (?-après 827), et la considère en partie comme une critique du gouvernement impérial et des mœurs des élites au début du ixe siècle. Une analyse quantitative des thèmes traités, dans leur fréquence et leur répartition au sein de l’ouvrage permet de révéler les techniques mises en œuvre par Li Zhao pour décrire la corruption ou le rayonnement politique des règnes des empereurs Tang successifs, son admiration pour les grands clans aristocratiques, et son dédain pour les parvenus et l’ascension sociale. Li hérite certainement cette vision de son expérience en tant que fonctionnaire à la cour de Xianzong ainsi que de son ascendance au sein des élites. Une telle compréhension de l’organisation du Guo shi bu, de ses thèmes sous-jacents et de la structure des anecdotes prises individuellement nous permet de mieux saisir comment les anecdotes et les miscellanées ont fini par déterminer le contenu des histoires officielles de la dynastie des Tang.



2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Imad Mansour

This article sheds light on the east-west international relations of the first century of the Abbasid Caliphate. It describes discernable Chinese influences on the onset and maintenance of a golden age of Islamic government in this century, distinguished for the flourishing of translation, research contributions in natural sciences and philosophy, sophistication in the fine arts, and economic productivity and prosperity. These influences were in the fields of trade, governance, artisan production, and scientific epistemological knowledge. The article argues that two interlocking factors helped create the conditions of possibility for the golden age of the Abbasid Caliphate: first, a positive disposition defined by pragmatism and accommodation by the Tang Dynasty found a counterpart in Abbasid policy; second, for the Abbasids, relations along the Silk Roads that had been developing for centuries valorized the potential of exchanges with the east, including China. The article explains the varied intensity of influences from the Silk Roads, as well as the Tang Dynasty, on the Abbasid golden age. It concludes by briefly explaining how people-to-people exchanges maintained ties, especially after the political power of both governments weakened and eventually ended.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 106-122
Author(s):  
Nishino Noriko ◽  
Aoyama Toru ◽  
Kimura Jun ◽  
Nogami Takenori ◽  
Le Thi Lien

Abstract The Chau Tan shipwreck, probably the earliest shipwreck in Vietnam, was found in the waters off the shore of Binh Son District in Quang Ngai Province in the early 2000s. Dr. Nishimura initiated a study of the shipwreck material, but it was cut short by his sudden demise. A group of Japanese scholars continued the project in co-operation with the Institute of Archaeology (Vietnam). Since remnants of the shipwreck were pillaged and their archaeological contexts were not recorded, this initial study is limited to a comparative assessment of the recovered items, including wooden timbers from the hull and Chinese ceramics. It is also a case study for addressing the ethical issues of raising shipwreck remains in Vietnam for commercial purposes without conducting scientific surveys. The study indicates that the ship timbers came from an eighth-ninth century Southeast Asian ship, and that the Chinese ceramics can be assigned to the Tang Dynasty. A number of inked or inscribed characters on ceramic shards indicate the involvement of Indian Ocean merchants.


2013 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 155-163
Author(s):  
VALERIE HANSEN ◽  
HELEN WANG

Most economists and historians today conceive of money in narrow terms – probably because they have grown up in the modern world and are used to our system of coins, paper notes, cheques and credit cards. Although economic historians are generally aware that some earlier societies (in Africa, Scandinavia and elsewhere) used other items as money, they do not usually pay much attention to these examples. Few realise that the government of China, governing an empire of some 60 million people during the Tang dynasty (618–907), implemented a complex financial system that recognised grain, coins and textiles as money. The government received taxes in coin and in kind, produced to specific standards (specific widths and lengths of textiles) that would then be redistributed, being used for official salaries and military expenses among other expenditures. Although some of the surviving evidence comes from the Silk Road sites of Turfan, Dunhuang and Khotan in northwest China (where the dry climate has preserved many documents and some actual examples of tax textiles), this multicurrency system was in use throughout the entire empire during the seventh to tenth centuries. At the time, Tang China was possibly the largest economy in the world, rivalled only by the Abbasid Empire (751–1258).


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