Between Theories of Trade and Development: The Future of the World Trading System

Author(s):  
Michael Trebilcock

This article traces the role of developing countries in the GATT/WTO trading regime, and the evolving legal framework for their participation. It then maps onto this framework evolving schools of thought amongst development economists on strategies for economic development. It goes on to argue that the paralysis in the current Doha Round of the WTO, primarily reflecting fault-lines between developed and developing countries, and paralleled by the dramatic proliferation of preferential trade agreements and bilateral investment treaties, requires fundamental rethinking of the orientation of the multilateral (WTO) trading system, in particular the need to be more accommodating of plurilateral agreements amongst sub-sets of members that are open to subsequent accession by other members, primarily on a conditional most-favored-nation basis.

2009 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-181

Richard Baldwin of Graduate Institute, Geneva, and CEPR reviews “Termites in the Trading System: How Preferential Agreements Undermine Free Trade” by Jagdish Bhagwati,. The EconLit Abstract of the reviewed work begins “Examines how the rapid spread of preferential trade agreements may endanger the world trading system. Discusses proliferating preferential trade agreements; why the pandemic has broken out; whether preferential trade agreements are a pox on the world trading system; and what we should do now. Bhagwati is University Professor of Economics and Law at Columbia University and Senior Fellow in International Economics at the Council on Foreign Relations. Glossary; select bibliography; index.”


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 389-416
Author(s):  
Andrew D Mitchell ◽  
Neha Mishra

Abstract While the free cross-border movement of data is essential to many aspects of international trade, several countries have imposed restrictions on these data flows. The pre-internet rules of the World Trade Organization (`WTO') discipline some of these restrictions, but they are insufficient. Unfortunately, so are the electronic commerce chapters in modern preferential trade agreements. This article argues that reformed WTO rules, which take account of the policy challenges of the data-driven economy, are required. These reforms would facilitate internet openness while ensuring consumer and business trust, promoting digital inclusion of developing countries, and incorporating clear exceptions for legitimate domestic policies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Yong-Shik Lee

AbstractThe current multilateral trading system under the auspices of the World Trade Organization (WTO) displays a substantial development gap in the regulatory and institutional frameworks. The Doha Round negotiations, which was initiated to promote development interests under the Doha Development Agenda (DDA), have not been concluded for over 14 years, raising doubts about the ability of the WTO system to promote development interests effectively. While the Doha Round was sluggish for a number of years, regional trade agreements, which currently include every WTO Member, have been proliferated, creating significant implications for developing countries. This article examines the development of the Doha Round, analyzes the causes of its impasse, and explores its future prospects. The article also discusses the development gap in the current trading system and advances reform proposals to fill the gap in the system.


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 163-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lena Lindberg ◽  
Claes G. Alvstam

AbstractThe world trading system is characterized by a growing number of free trade agreements (FTAs). Limited progress in the negotiations at the multilateral level within the WTO has contributed to this development, inducing countries to seek faster, alternative ways to speed up liberalization, which make it possible to take advantage of preferential treatment with key trading partners. This article discusses what role the WTO should take with regard to FTAs in times of stalled multilateral negotiations and proliferating FTAs, and how FTAs can contribute to the multilateralization of regionalism. When results at the multilateral level are scarce, there may be a shift towards other alternatives in which the WTO is left out. This may force the WTO to function reactively, simply facing facts as an organization, rather than proactively, where it may play some role in shaping the FTA development. FTAs are not an entirely separate phenomenon from the WTO, since countries that negotiate FTAs play two roles. They are members of the WTO and as such are part of the work and negotiations of the organization. They are also part of trade arrangements that are limited to a smaller number of countries, and hence can negotiate against the interest of the entire multilateral organization. This article explores how these agreements can facilitate the work and negotiations of the WTO to regionalize bilateralism and multilateralize regionalism, here named the “sticky rice” approach. Various East Asian trade arrangements are used as empirical examples.


2003 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olu Fasan

The Uruguay Round of trade negotiations, completed in 1994, has fundamentally transformed the legal landscape of the world trading system, making the WTO arguably the most powerful international economic institution in the world. Yet, the systemic problems that have dogged the WTO since its establishment in 1995 have their roots in the nature of this transformation and its implications for developing countries, especially African states. Developing countries, hitherto excluded from GATT rules, became subject to expanded WTO legal rules and disciplines on a range of new areas, including services, intellectual property rights and investment measures. The possibility of deepening and widening the rule-base of the trade regime is also likely with the Doha agenda, which includes possible negotiations on new rules dealing with investment, competition policy, trade facilitation, and transparency in government procurement.Clearly, the increasing legalization and internationalization of trade rules have implications for weak states. International legalization involves sophisticated bargaining where power relations play a significant role. The purpose of this article is to explore, in the context of some of the theories of international law and political economy, how the preferences and interests of African countries are reflected in international rule making that involves both weak and powerful states. The article traces the institutional and legal evolution of the world trading system and how African countries have been affected by these developments. The new Doha agenda is examined with a view to establishing whether it holds out any real hope of redressing the imbalances in the system. Finally, suggestions are made as to how global trade rules can be fair, and therefore made to work for poor states.


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