Trade facilitation: definition and current significance for economic development of Russia

At the present stage of the functioning of the multilateral trading system there is an increasing need to find new approaches to the development and facilitation of trade other than the reduction of tariff and non-tariff barriers. Trade facilitation is the field of activity of many international organizations, it is recognized as an effective tool for promoting economic development and capacity building both at the level of an individual state, and within integration associations and regions, which, due to their geographic location have close political and economic ties. The areas targeted by trade facilitation measures are diverse and have evolved over time. This has led to the fact that the concept of trade facilitation does not have a specific applied characteristic, as well as a generally accepted framework for the implementation of initiatives in this area, which undoubtedly deserves scientific attention. This approaches to interpretation of trade facilitation term in Russian practice are described. Also were hold the analyses of considering term definitions, which were defined by international organizations in accordance with their scope of work and those, which are proposed by scientists. The main approaches to understanding of considering term were exposed, that make possible to characterize the essence and main directions of trade facilitation measures implementation. The feasible economical profits of implementing initiations in field of trade facilitation in framework of international trade both from supply and demand are described. In addition, the main perspectives of trade facilitation measures for different participants of international trade were systematized. In conclusion, defined authors approach for understanding of trade facilitation term concerning the interests of Russia in this sphere. The author identified the most relevant vectors for the implementation of measures to facilitate trade procedures, which reflect the current directions for the implementation of the economic policy of the Russian Federation, as well as ensure the creation and maintenance of a favorable business environment to stimulate the development of foreign economic activity and foreign trade.

Essays On Deep Trade Agreements

<div>The number of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) has increased tremendously since 1990. The natural question to ask is why. PTAs are not only about lowering down tariffs further than the most favoured nation (MFN) tariff levels. There are many economic and non-economic policies other than border policies that are addressed in PTAs. Trade agreements dealing with border policies (tariffs) are referred to as “shallow”; and those that are dealing with a broader set of policies are referred to as “deep”. Therefore, PTAs are about something deeper. Parallel to the increase in the PTAs, trade in intermediate inputs has grown exponentially over past decades. Therefore, the first question that arises is whether trade in intermediate inputs generates the need for deep integration. In this dissertation, we show that the nature of trade in intermediate goods requires deep integration. The second question to be addressed is whether the deep trade agreements need to be preferential. With a three-country model, we show that the deep bilateral agreements are rarely chosen over the shallow agreements. Finally, by introducing the deep integration in the multilateral trading system, we conclude that although trade in intermediate inputs calls for deep integration, they do not call for deep PTAs. However, deep integration is better implied under multilateral agreements. Therefore, the deep integration in economic policies does not contribute to the increase in the number of PTAs.</div>

Essays On Deep Trade Agreements

<div>The number of preferential trade agreements (PTAs) has increased tremendously since 1990. The natural question to ask is why. PTAs are not only about lowering down tariffs further than the most favoured nation (MFN) tariff levels. There are many economic and non-economic policies other than border policies that are addressed in PTAs. Trade agreements dealing with border policies (tariffs) are referred to as “shallow”; and those that are dealing with a broader set of policies are referred to as “deep”. Therefore, PTAs are about something deeper. Parallel to the increase in the PTAs, trade in intermediate inputs has grown exponentially over past decades. Therefore, the first question that arises is whether trade in intermediate inputs generates the need for deep integration. In this dissertation, we show that the nature of trade in intermediate goods requires deep integration. The second question to be addressed is whether the deep trade agreements need to be preferential. With a three-country model, we show that the deep bilateral agreements are rarely chosen over the shallow agreements. Finally, by introducing the deep integration in the multilateral trading system, we conclude that although trade in intermediate inputs calls for deep integration, they do not call for deep PTAs. However, deep integration is better implied under multilateral agreements. Therefore, the deep integration in economic policies does not contribute to the increase in the number of PTAs.</div>

Should Trade Remedies be Eliminated from WTO: A Response to Tania Voon

This work is a reflection of a critical viewpoint on the academic work of Tania Voon. She argues on the elimination of trade remedies from the multilateral trading system of the World Trade Organization on the basis of various considerations, including on the basis of some lessons from Regional Trade Agreements. The article makes no attempt to strike a balance between consumer and domestic industry interests. Additionally, it must be recognized that eliminating a structural protection mechanism is not always the best course of action because, in a global market such as that of trade, there are numerous players with disparate interests. If trade remedies are eliminated, a void will exist in which there will be nothing to regulate short-term issues, which will also affect the WTO's long-term objectives.

The Law and Policy of the World Trade Organization

Since the publication of its first edition, this textbook has been the prime choice of teachers and students alike, due to its clear and detailed explanation of the basic principles of the multilateral trading system and the law of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The fifth edition continues to explore the institutional and substantive law of the WTO. It has been updated to incorporate all new developments in the WTO's ever-growing body of case law. Moreover, each chapter includes a 'Further Readings' section to encourage and facilitate research and discussion on the topics addressed. As in previous editions, each chapter also features a summary to reinforce learning. Questions, assignments, and exercises on WTO law and policy are contained in an online supplement, updated regularly. This textbook is an essential tool for all WTO law students and will also serve as a practitioner's introductory guide to the WTO.

Reforms for culmination of the deadlock in appellate body of WTO: An agenda of saving the multilateral trading system

The World Trade Organization's (WTO’s) dispute settlement mechanism, known as the "pearl in the crown," is stalled due to United States (U.S.) obstruction, which prevents appellate body members from being ordained. This situation continues, and the WTO’s dispute settlement function is paralyzed since 2019. The WTO has faced a crisis in recent years, and the trade legislation has stagnated. The dispute settlement body was also blocked due to U.S. interference, which led to the failure of the appellate body’s members to be selected. The data has been gathered for this descriptive study using secondary research method, including different newspaper articles and the internet, which were outlined and noted. This paper presents and evaluates several existing proposals on how to get out of the impasse. This paper points out whether the existing WTO members can choose to join or not participate in establishing a new appellate body. On this basis, it makes its own relatively unique proposal, namely, to establish a substantial dispute settlement mechanism outside the WTO, parallel to the existing dispute settlement mechanism, and it demonstrates the legal feasibility of the proposal. Immediately, the states should begin negotiations on the significant agreements required for this new appellate body. It will effectively solve the deadlock in the dispute settlement mechanism caused by the United States, blocking the appointment of members of the appellate body.

THE REFORM OF THE BRAZILIAN ANTI-DUMPING REGIME: A PARTIAL REVIEW OF THE DETERMINANTS AND THE IMPLICATIONS OF DECREE 8,058/2013

This study considers the development and reform of the anti-dumping regime in Brazil as a ratification example of the multilateral trading system proposed by the World Trade Organization (WTO). Brazil's history of leadership in the WTO Rounds, as well as its emergence among users of temporary barriers illustrates the fact that developing countries participate, with some success, in the endorsement and strengthening of the multilateral system itself. Using the WTO Anti-Dumping Agreement (ADA) as a model for its own regulatory framework, this practice ensures that domestic legislation will have greater compliance to international obligations and avoid constraints via the Dispute Settlement Body. Finally, the case of Decree 8,058/2013 highlighted the importance that specialized agents in the middle management of the Ministry of Development, Industry and Foreign Trade (MDIC) have in the management and improvement of the Brazilian public policy.

When the hegemon goes rogue: leadership amid the US assault on the liberal trading order

Under President Trump, the United States abdicated its traditional leadership role in the trading system, abandoning multilateralism for aggressive unilateralism and launching an active assault on the World Trade Organization (WTO). Most strikingly, the US blocked appointments to the Appellate Body, jeopardizing the WTO's dispute settlement mechanism. With the trade regime in crisis, a key question has been whether other states would have the will and capacity to lead system-preserving initiatives. While most attention has focused on whether China—widely seen as the chief hegemonic challenger to the US—would assume the mantle of leadership, there has been considerable scepticism about the European Union's capacity to exercise leadership amid the crisis. The EU has generally been seen as punching below its weight in terms of leadership at the WTO. In this article, however, I argue that it is the EU, rather than China, that has taken the lead in advancing concrete initiatives directed at defending and maintaining the multilateral trading system. The EU led the creation of an interim appeals arrangement to replace the defunct Appellate Body—in effect, creating an ‘Appellate Body minus the US’. Although the rules-based multilateral trading system remains under threat, it is the EU, not China, that is acting as a system-preserving power, leading efforts to defend the established order.