Shared Sacred Sites

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-94
Author(s):  
Karen Barkey

Abstract This paper analyzes the conditions under which the sharing of sacred sites in Turkey is still possible despite the serious Sunnification campaign of the akp regime. I argue that ideological, cultural, and pragmatic motivations led the Turkish state to refrain from interfering in practices the ruling party deems sacrilegious and distasteful.

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 215-226
Author(s):  
Kurdish Studies

Andrea Fischer-Tahir and Sophie Wagenhofer (edsF), Disciplinary Spaces: Spatial Control, Forced Assimilation and Narratives of Progress since the 19th Century, Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag, 2017, 300 pp., (ISBN: 978-3-8376-3487-7).Ayşegül Aydın and Cem Emrence, Zones of Rebellion: Kurdish Insurgents and the Turkish State, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2015, 192 pp., (ISBN: 978-0-801-45354-0).Evgenia I. Vasil’eva, Yugo-Vostochniy Kurdistan v XVI-XIX vv. Istochnik po Istorii Kurdskikh Emiratov Ardelan i Baban. [South-Eastern Kurdistan in the XVI-XIXth cc. A Source for the Study of Kurdish Emirates of Ardalān and Bābān], St Petersburg: Nestor-Istoria, 2016. 176 pp., (ISBN 978-5-4469-0775-5).Karin Mlodoch, The Limits of Trauma Discourse: Women Anfal Survivors in Kurdistan-Iraq, Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 2014, 541 pp., (ISBN: 978-3-87997-719-2). 


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 13-35
Author(s):  
H. Şule Albayrak

For decades the authoritarian secularist policies of the Turkish state, by imposing a headscarf ban at universities and in the civil service, excluded practising Muslim women from the public sphere until the reforms following 2010. However, Muslim women had continued to seek ways to increase their knowledge and improve their intellectual levels, not only as individuals, but also by establishing civil associations. As a result, a group of intellectual women has emerged who are not only educated in political, social, and economic issues, but who are also determined to attain their socio-economic and political rights. Those new actors in the Turkish public sphere are, however, concerned with being labeled as either “feminist,” “fundamentalist” or “Islamist.” This article therefore analyzes the distance between the self-identifications of intellectual Muslim women and certain classifications imposed on them. Semi-structured in-depth interviews with thirteen Turkish intellectual Muslim women were carried out which reveal that they reject and critique overly facile labels due to their negative connotations while offering more complex insights into their perspectives on Muslim women, authority, and identity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 75 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 40-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joost Jongerden

This article will argue that the meetings between Turkey and the Kurdistan Workers Party PKK between 2006-2015 were employed by the Turkish state to gain advantage in the conflict they were supposed to be aimed at resolving. This appraisal of the PKK-Turkey talks thus helps to explain the escalation in the summer of 2015 - as the result, that is, not of a failed process of negotiations but of a failed intelligence operation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-3) ◽  
pp. 126-135
Author(s):  
Bolotbek Abdrakhmanov

To analyze the repressive policy of the ruling party and NKVD organs towards the foreigners who lived in Kyrgyzstan in 1937-1938 years. The real materials being used in this research make it possible to think over the events of that complicated period in a new way and give them certain appreciation. Therefore the main aim of the article is to bring together new materials to through the light on the nature of the mass repressions towards a number of soviet citizens as foreign nationals.


Journeys ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-133
Author(s):  
Evgenia Mesaritou

Abstract Even though pilgrimages may often be directed toward what can conventionally be seen as “religious” sacred sites, religious and ritual forms of knowledge and ignorance may not necessarily be the only, or even the most prominent, forms in their workings. Focusing on Greek Cypriots’ return pilgrimages to the Christian-Orthodox monastery of Apostolos Andreas (Karpasia) under the conditions of Cyprus's ongoing division, in this article I explore the non “religious” forms of knowing and ignoring salient to pilgrimages to sacred religious sites, the conditions under which they become relevant, and the risks associated with them. Showing how pilgrimages to the monastery of Apostolos Andreas are situated within a larger framework of seeing “our places,” I will argue that remembering and knowing these places is the type of knowledge most commonly sought out by pilgrims, while also exploring what the stakes of not knowing/forgetting them may be felt to be. An exclusive focus on “religious” forms of knowledge and ignorance would obscure the ways in which pilgrimage is often embedded in everyday social and political concerns.


ReVision ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 36-45
Author(s):  
Paul Devereux ◽  
Stanley Krippner ◽  
Robert Tartz ◽  
Adam Fish
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
A. D. Selyukov ◽  

The article is devoted to identifying the features of conflicts in the public sector as a basis for disputes, including with the participation of courts. The concept of «public interests» is introduced, on the basis of which the characteristic of disputes in the budgetary sphere is given as a dispute between the parties, relations between which are based on the method of legal inequality. It is concluded that by virtue of the law, the ruling party gives instructions to the subordinate party to do something in relation to the budget, but not always the public interests of the parties to the legal relationship are equally protected by law, which is not sufficiently manifested in the practice of legal support of budgetary activities. Since the efforts of the legislator to regulate budgetary relations are mainly aimed at ensuring procedural activities, they almost do not affect the goal-setting mechanism, so the subordinate party has no opportunity to challenge the management decision that infringes the implementation of the public interests of the subordinate party. By virtue of the above, the courts do not participate in the consideration of issues that go beyond the procedure for spending budget funds and the application of appropriate sanctions. Therefore, frequent cases of arbitrariness of the powerful party in budgetary legal relations remain without proper judicial protection. To solve the problem, it is required to introduce the institution of goal-setting in the budget legislation, so that it will be possible to talk about the proper provision of public interests in the budget sphere.


Author(s):  
Yuval Jobani ◽  
Nahshon Perez

Contested sacred sites pose a difficult challenge in the field of toleration. Holy sites are often at the center of intense contestation between different groups regarding a wide variety of issues, including ownership, access, usage rights, permissible religious conduct, and many other aspects. As such, they are often the source of immense levels of violence, and intractable, long-standing conflicts. Governing the Sacred profiles five central contested sacred sites which exemplify the immense difficulties associated with such sites: Devils Tower National Monument (Wyoming, U.S.), Babri Masjid/Ram Janmabhoomi (Uttar-Pradesh, India), the Western Wall (Jerusalem), the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (Jerusalem), and the Temple Mount/Haram esh-Sharif (Jerusalem). The in-depth, contextual and casuistic study of these sites, which differ in spatial, cultural, and religious settings, enables the construction of a novel, critical typology of five corresponding models or ways of governing the sacred. By telling the fascinating stories of five high-profile contested sacred sites, Governing the Sacred develops and critically explores five different models of governing contested sacred sites: “non-interference,” “separation and division,” “preference,” “status quo,” and “closure.” Each model, in turn, relies on different sets of considerations, central among them trade-offs between religious liberty and social order. Beyond its scholarly contribution, the novel typology developed in Governing the Sacred aims to assist democratic governments in their attempt to secure public order and mutual toleration among opposed groups in contested sacred sites.


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