scholarly journals China’s Military and the Belt and Road Initiative: a View from the Outside

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 122-135
Author(s):  
Joshua Andresen

Abstract China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is the largest investment in global infrastructure of all time, easily outpacing the United States’ Marshall Plan following World War II. Despite the BRI’s aspirations, it has been called into question from an increasing range of perspectives. This article focuses on security questions raised from the American perspective. By placing the BRI in historical and global perspective, I will critically evaluate the questions raised by American observers in order to separate the concerns we should take seriously from those that are overblown. The Belt and Road initiative and accompanying military buildup have been heralded as a fundamental change in the global order. Whether that is the case, of course, remains to be seen. What is certain, however, is that the balance of regional economic and military power is undergoing a dramatic change.

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-182
Author(s):  
Enrique Martínez Galán ◽  
Francisco José Leandro

AbstractThe debate about the benefits and the risks brought both to People’s Republic of China and to the other participant countries by the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has been gaining momentum in the academic and in the political landscapes. We argue that the BRI is the main pillar of the new financial institutionalism proposed by China to redefine the current global financial architecture and that, consequently, the initiative needs to be considered in that context. This paper (i) reviews the timeline that led to this Chinese-led new financial institutionalism, (ii) proposes two theoretical frameworks to define the concept of multilateral financial statecraft and of new financial institutionalism led by China, and (iii) enumerates the main differences and similarities observed between this new financial institutionalism and the one dominated by the Bretton Woods-related institutions that gradually emerged after World War II, such as the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, the Marshall Plan, and the Asian Development Bank.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-121
Author(s):  
Tom Harper

Abstract The Belt and Road Initiative alongside the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation are the latest phase of China’s return to the Eurasian landmass after the collapse of the Soviet Union. China has reshaped Eurasia in several ways, which includes the common definition of this concept, which had largely been perceived as a chiefly Russian entity. This is rooted in Halford Mackinder’s The Geographical Pivot of History, which depicted the Eurasian landmass as a threat to Britain’s maritime hegemony with the advent of rail. While the traditional focus had been on Eurasia as the Russian empire, Mackinder also alluded to a Eurasian empire created by ‘Chinese organised by Japanese’ as a result of the latter’s development during the Meiji Restoration. While this did not come to pass, it has become an imperative to consider the notion of an Asian power in Eurasia due to China’s rise. The purpose of this paper is to argue that China is as much a Eurasian power in the vein of Mackinder’s theories as Russia is, with the BRI providing a potential opportunity to further integrate with Eurasia. In addition, the initiative is also symbolic of China’s bid to create an alternative order both in Eurasia and the wider world as part of its global role to challenge the dominance of the United States, which raises the spectre of Mackinder’s warning over a challenger emerging from the Eurasian Heartland.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Garlick ◽  
Radka Havlová

Drawing on the literature on strategic hedging and adapting it to China’s use of economic diplomacy in the service of comprehensive national security goals within the regionalised foreign policy approach of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), we examine China’s approach to securing and expanding its interests in the Persian Gulf. To implement the trade and infrastructure connectivity goals of the BRI and to secure the continued flow of diversified energy supplies, China needs to boost relations with both regional powerhouses, Iran and Saudi Arabia, without alienating either of them or the regional hegemon, the United States. The resulting strategy of strategic hedging is based in the Chinese approach to economic diplomacy, which utilises Chinese commercial actors in the service of national strategic objectives. Relations require careful and ongoing management if China is to achieve outcomes which benefit all sides while avoiding becoming entangled in the region’s intractable geopolitical problems.


2018 ◽  
Vol 04 (03) ◽  
pp. 381-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Young

Responses to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) have been mixed. Many commentators have welcomed the opportunity for infrastructure development and projects to build economic, political and social connectivity across the region. Others have been openly critical or slow to formulate a clear position. In general, advanced economies have responded less positively than developing economies. This paper employs a constructivist approach to interpret responses to the BRI in advanced economies through analysis of commentary in the United States, the European Union, Japan, Australia and New Zealand. It identifies a diversity of responses within and among these economies and a strong ideational coherence in the frameworks used to assess the BRI. It is concluded that the reception of Chinese-promoted concepts in international affairs, like the BRI, remains challenging due to the dominance of liberal and realist assessments and the accompanying political values. This suggests a need for greater intellectual engagement and more substantial feedback between China and the advanced economies, so as to open the way for a long overdue regional conversation on how development is conceptualized and co-created in a region with diverse approaches to regional economic policy.


Significance Senior US officials see Communist-led China as the foremost threat to the United States. The Trump administration’s campaign against it spans the spectrum of government actions: criticism; tariffs; sanctions; regulatory crackdowns; military intimidation; support for Taiwan; and restrictions on imports, exports, investment and visas. Impacts Beijing will have little success in driving a wedge between Washington and its major Western allies. The West is unlikely to produce a convincing alternative to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Negative public views of China incentivise China-bashing by politicians, which in turn feeds negative public opinion in a downward spiral. Beijing will persist in its efforts to encourage a more positive view of China among Western publics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (8) ◽  
pp. 81-89
Author(s):  
M. Potapov ◽  
N. Kotlyarov

The article is analyzing the positions of China in global capital markets, and the factors that determine them. It shows the trends and features of attracting foreign direct investment in China, exporting Chinese capital abroad, attracting portfolio investments to China. The investment aspects of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative and the role of Hong Kong as an international financial center are also considered. The evolution of the currency market regulation in China and the dynamics of the Yuan exchange rate, as well as the internationalizing of the Chinese currency and its use in cross-border operations are also discussed. The authors believe that the prospects for strengthening China’s position in the global capital markets will be determined by a number of circumstances, including the dynamics of the world economy, the growth rate of the Chinese economy, and the consistent liberalization of conditions for cross-border capital movement in China. The maintaining of higher growth rates of the Chinese economy in the context of the global recession and the coronavirus pandemic, as well as the ongoing liberalization of the domestic capital markets, suggest that the Chinese economy will remain attractive for foreign investors. The export of Chinese direct investment abroad will be largely determined by the dynamics of the country’s foreign trade, national restrictions on the export of capital, the implementing the Belt and Road Initiative and the position of China’s leading economic partners, primarily the United States, towards Chinese investment. At the same time, increased geopolitical and country risks will affect the geographical structure of China’s investment abroad in the direction of enhancing cooperation with Asian countries and participants of the Belt and Road Project. In the context of aggravated relations with the United States, China will make efforts to reduce dependence on the US dollar in settlements. Further steps will also be taken to internationalize the Chinese national currency and to achieve an increase in the use of RMB in payments. The lifting of restrictions on cross-border portfolio investments in the PRC is predetermined by ensuring the domestic macroeconomic stability, strengthening the financial system, low inflation, affordable credit, a stable balance of payments, and sufficient foreign exchange reserves. China’s real entry into the world’s leaders, both in the global commodity and capital markets, requires the creation of its own technological base, the transition to a new energy-saving, environmental-friendly national economic structure based on knowledge and new technologies, balancing the development levels of the country’s regions, and increasing the average per capita income of people.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linnea Maria Dulikravich

This paper analyzes United Nations voting records of countries that have received substantial aid from China as a part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Chinese investments have raised concerns, especially in the United States and European Union, because of their size but also because of their lack of political conditionality. Unlike Western aid, which is usually accompanied with demands for democratization, transparency and the rule of law, Chinese investments make no such demands on the host governments. Given China’s lack of respect for human rights, at least in the eyes of the West, there are also concerns that development aid from the BRI might be detrimental for human rights in recipient countries. This study analyzes the voting record of human rights resolutions in the UN from 2001-2013 for states that have received substantial BRI loans. The data shows that recipient countries are likely to align their UN votes with China, but not necessarily to the detriment of human rights. Close analysis of the resolutions passed by BRI partner countries show that most of their votes affirm human rights, which does not support the expectation that Chinese aid has a negative impact on the existing global human rights regime.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (04) ◽  
pp. 37-45
Author(s):  
Zhiqun ZHU

China needs assistance as it restructures and upgrades its economy. Israel fits the bill as a global powerhouse in technologies and innovation. Besides, China considers Israel a potential node in the Belt and Road Initiative. The United States is concerned about China’s growing investments in key Israeli infrastructure and expanding influence in the Middle East. Israel, like other third parties, is caught between the United States and China as US–China rivalry intensifies.


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