scholarly journals China’s Eurasia: the Belt and Road Initiative and the Creation of a New Eurasian Power

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 99-121
Author(s):  
Tom Harper
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Meiji Restoration ◽  
Common Definition ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Shanghai Cooperation Organisation ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
The Belt And Road

Abstract The Belt and Road Initiative alongside the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation are the latest phase of China’s return to the Eurasian landmass after the collapse of the Soviet Union. China has reshaped Eurasia in several ways, which includes the common definition of this concept, which had largely been perceived as a chiefly Russian entity. This is rooted in Halford Mackinder’s The Geographical Pivot of History, which depicted the Eurasian landmass as a threat to Britain’s maritime hegemony with the advent of rail. While the traditional focus had been on Eurasia as the Russian empire, Mackinder also alluded to a Eurasian empire created by ‘Chinese organised by Japanese’ as a result of the latter’s development during the Meiji Restoration. While this did not come to pass, it has become an imperative to consider the notion of an Asian power in Eurasia due to China’s rise. The purpose of this paper is to argue that China is as much a Eurasian power in the vein of Mackinder’s theories as Russia is, with the BRI providing a potential opportunity to further integrate with Eurasia. In addition, the initiative is also symbolic of China’s bid to create an alternative order both in Eurasia and the wider world as part of its global role to challenge the dominance of the United States, which raises the spectre of Mackinder’s warning over a challenger emerging from the Eurasian Heartland.

scholarly journals Under the “Belt and Road” initiative, the China and Ukraine governments should assume greater responsibility to promote trade

2019 ◽  
pp. 30-39
Author(s):  
Haipeng Zhao ◽  
K. Bliumska-Danko ◽  
Xu Lu
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Road Construction ◽  
High Tech ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Economic Exchanges ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Belt And Road

Purpose: Ukraine is located in Eastern Europe, has a good geographical location, and has good bilateral relations and traditional economic exchanges with China, especially agriculture, high-tech, and existing and ongoing cooperation projects with China. "There are also difficulties in construction: Ukraine's economy has been in a difficult period since independence, its economic structure is very uneven, and its economic relations with Eastern European and CIS countries, as well as Russian economic relations, need to be improved. Ukraine needs to restore its national strength. China's "Belt and Road" initiative and the diplomatic concept of building a community of shared future for mankind have determined that the Chinese government is willing to help Ukraine restore its strength and restore normal political, economic, and diplomatic relations with neighboring countries. It will benefit the people through the improvement of the national economy This article aims to analyze how the two sides can use the "Belt and Road" platform to develop economic relations and strengthen cooperation to achieve mutual benefit results. Methodology: This article uses the literature research method, the combination of analysis and synthesis methods, observation method, investigation method. Originality: Since the Soviet Union, Ukraine has started friendly exchanges with China. After the founding of New China in 1949, Ukraine, as a part of the Soviet Union, made a greater contribution to China establishment of its national steel, machinery, agriculture and other basic industries. After Ukraine's independence, China-Ukraine relations have entered a new stage. China was the first country to recognize Ukraine's independence and established diplomatic relations with it on January 4, 1992. In the past 30 years of Ukraine's independence, the two countries have not had any conflicts of interest and no serious political and economic contradictions. The "Belt and Road" initiative proposed by Xi Jinping in 2013 provided a new platform for bilateral relations and created unprecedented opportunities for the development of bilateral relations. In the "Belt and Road" construction, Ukraine should play a greater role. Practical value: Participating in the "Belt and Road" construction is also a very important opportunity for Ukraine, helping the Chinese people to have a more comprehensive and clearer understanding of Ukraine, and more importantly, it is conducive to the trade between the two countries to bring more Ukrainian enterprises Trade exchanges to drive the economic development of Ukraine. Politically, Ukraine and China have good bilateral relations；On June 20, 2011, the two sides signed the "China-Ukraine Joint Partnership on the Establishment and Development of Strategic Partnerships. Economically, Ukraine and China have complementary economies. Economic exchanges have been established since the Soviet Union. In recent years, the existing and ongoing cooperation between Ukraine and China has continued to develop in high-tech fields such as agriculture, machine manufacturing, and aviation. More and more Ukrainian experts have pointed out that developing relations between Ukraine and China should become a priority direction of Ukraine's current foreign policy. Ukraine has a strong advantage in agriculture, military industry, and manufacturing, especially the engine manufacturing industry, and can develop machine manufacturing; Ukraine can provide transportation for China “Belt and Road” Convenient conditions.

scholarly journals “Honeymoon” of the Russian Empire and the United States during WWI

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 273-292
Author(s):  
Victoria I. Zhuravleva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Interdisciplinary Approach ◽  
The United States ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Liberal Internationalism ◽  
Secondary Sources ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article focuses on the debatable issues of Russian-American relations from 1914 until the fall of Tsarism, such as the degree of the two countries’ rapprochement, ethnic questions, the positive dynamics of mutual images and the intensified process of Russians and Americans studying each other. Based on primary and secondary sources, this work intends to emphasize that the conflict element in bilateral relations did not hamper cooperation between the two states. The author’s multipronged and interdisciplinary approach allowed her to conclude that the United Sates was ready to engage in wide-ranging interaction with the Russian Empire regardless of their ideological differences. From the author’s point of view, it was the pragmatic agenda that aided the states’ mutual interest in destroying the stereotypes of their counterpart and stimulated Russian Studies in the US and American Studies in Russia. Therefore, the “honeymoon” between the two states had started long before the 1917 February Revolution. However, Wilson strove to turn Russia not so much into an object of US’ “dollar diplomacy”, but into a destination of its “crusade” for democracy. The collapse of the monarchy provided an additional impetus for liberal internationalism by integrating the Russian “Other” into US foreign policy. Ultimately, an ideological (value-based) approach emerged as a stable trend in structuring America’s attitude toward Russia (be it the Soviet Union or post-Soviet Russia).

THE MAIN STAGES OF THE FORMATION OF THE UKRAINIAN DIASPORA IN THE UNITED STATES

2021 ◽  
pp. 86-101
Author(s):  
Ol’ga A. Pylova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Identity Formation ◽  
The United States ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Russian Empire

The article focuses on the emigration of Ukrainians to the US and the formation of a Ukrainian diaspora there. Emigration from ethnic Ukrainian territories began at the end of the nineteenth century and has continued to the present day. The generally accepted periodisation considers five waves of emigration (before 1914, 1914–1945, 1945–1986, 1986–2014 and after 2014) and therefore five stages of the diaspora formation. As the study shows, the stages or waves of emigration from Ukraine largely coincide with the migration processes in the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union and finally in the post-Sovi- et space, but there are also a number of differences that need to be understood. The diaspora issues were often linked to issues of emigrant self-determination, identity formation as well as the policies of the recipient state. Political, social, educational and other organisations have been formed within the diaspora over the course of its existence, with the diaspora institutionalisation pro- cesses varying according to the specific historical period. In the context of the continuation of the next stage of Ukrainian emigration to the United States and the evolution of the diaspora today, a historical and genetic study of the transmigration of Ukrainians overseas and the formation of diaspora structures acquires particular relevance.

scholarly journals China’s “Belt and Road” Economic Diplomacy in the Persian Gulf: Strategic Hedging amidst Saudi–Iranian Regional Rivalry

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Garlick ◽  
Radka Havlová
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
The United States ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Strategic Objectives ◽  
Economic Diplomacy ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
Strategic Hedging

Drawing on the literature on strategic hedging and adapting it to China’s use of economic diplomacy in the service of comprehensive national security goals within the regionalised foreign policy approach of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), we examine China’s approach to securing and expanding its interests in the Persian Gulf. To implement the trade and infrastructure connectivity goals of the BRI and to secure the continued flow of diversified energy supplies, China needs to boost relations with both regional powerhouses, Iran and Saudi Arabia, without alienating either of them or the regional hegemon, the United States. The resulting strategy of strategic hedging is based in the Chinese approach to economic diplomacy, which utilises Chinese commercial actors in the service of national strategic objectives. Relations require careful and ongoing management if China is to achieve outcomes which benefit all sides while avoiding becoming entangled in the region’s intractable geopolitical problems.

scholarly journals Strategic Responses of Advanced Economies to the Belt and Road Initiative

2018 ◽  
Vol 04 (03) ◽  
pp. 381-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Young
Keyword(s):  
Developing Economies ◽  
The United States ◽  
Infrastructure Development ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Political Values ◽  
Advanced Economies ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Belt And Road

Responses to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) have been mixed. Many commentators have welcomed the opportunity for infrastructure development and projects to build economic, political and social connectivity across the region. Others have been openly critical or slow to formulate a clear position. In general, advanced economies have responded less positively than developing economies. This paper employs a constructivist approach to interpret responses to the BRI in advanced economies through analysis of commentary in the United States, the European Union, Japan, Australia and New Zealand. It identifies a diversity of responses within and among these economies and a strong ideational coherence in the frameworks used to assess the BRI. It is concluded that the reception of Chinese-promoted concepts in international affairs, like the BRI, remains challenging due to the dominance of liberal and realist assessments and the accompanying political values. This suggests a need for greater intellectual engagement and more substantial feedback between China and the advanced economies, so as to open the way for a long overdue regional conversation on how development is conceptualized and co-created in a region with diverse approaches to regional economic policy.

Western pushback against China will increase

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
The West ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Positive View ◽  
Downward Spiral ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
Public Views ◽  
The Belt And Road

Significance Senior US officials see Communist-led China as the foremost threat to the United States. The Trump administration’s campaign against it spans the spectrum of government actions: criticism; tariffs; sanctions; regulatory crackdowns; military intimidation; support for Taiwan; and restrictions on imports, exports, investment and visas. Impacts Beijing will have little success in driving a wedge between Washington and its major Western allies. The West is unlikely to produce a convincing alternative to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Negative public views of China incentivise China-bashing by politicians, which in turn feeds negative public opinion in a downward spiral. Beijing will persist in its efforts to encourage a more positive view of China among Western publics.

scholarly journals China in Global Capital Markets

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (8) ◽  
pp. 81-89
Author(s):  
M. Potapov ◽  
N. Kotlyarov
Keyword(s):  
Capital Markets ◽  
Direct Investment ◽  
The United States ◽  
Chinese Economy ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Global Capital ◽  
Cross Border ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
Portfolio Investments

The article is analyzing the positions of China in global capital markets, and the factors that determine them. It shows the trends and features of attracting foreign direct investment in China, exporting Chinese capital abroad, attracting portfolio investments to China. The investment aspects of the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative and the role of Hong Kong as an international financial center are also considered. The evolution of the currency market regulation in China and the dynamics of the Yuan exchange rate, as well as the internationalizing of the Chinese currency and its use in cross-border operations are also discussed. The authors believe that the prospects for strengthening China’s position in the global capital markets will be determined by a number of circumstances, including the dynamics of the world economy, the growth rate of the Chinese economy, and the consistent liberalization of conditions for cross-border capital movement in China. The maintaining of higher growth rates of the Chinese economy in the context of the global recession and the coronavirus pandemic, as well as the ongoing liberalization of the domestic capital markets, suggest that the Chinese economy will remain attractive for foreign investors. The export of Chinese direct investment abroad will be largely determined by the dynamics of the country’s foreign trade, national restrictions on the export of capital, the implementing the Belt and Road Initiative and the position of China’s leading economic partners, primarily the United States, towards Chinese investment. At the same time, increased geopolitical and country risks will affect the geographical structure of China’s investment abroad in the direction of enhancing cooperation with Asian countries and participants of the Belt and Road Project. In the context of aggravated relations with the United States, China will make efforts to reduce dependence on the US dollar in settlements. Further steps will also be taken to internationalize the Chinese national currency and to achieve an increase in the use of RMB in payments. The lifting of restrictions on cross-border portfolio investments in the PRC is predetermined by ensuring the domestic macroeconomic stability, strengthening the financial system, low inflation, affordable credit, a stable balance of payments, and sufficient foreign exchange reserves. China’s real entry into the world’s leaders, both in the global commodity and capital markets, requires the creation of its own technological base, the transition to a new energy-saving, environmental-friendly national economic structure based on knowledge and new technologies, balancing the development levels of the country’s regions, and increasing the average per capita income of people.

scholarly journals The Belt and Road Initiative and Its Effects on International Support for Human Rights

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linnea Maria Dulikravich
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The United States ◽  
Development Aid ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Human Rights Regime ◽  
Political Conditionality ◽  
Close Analysis ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Belt And Road

This paper analyzes United Nations voting records of countries that have received substantial aid from China as a part of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Chinese investments have raised concerns, especially in the United States and European Union, because of their size but also because of their lack of political conditionality. Unlike Western aid, which is usually accompanied with demands for democratization, transparency and the rule of law, Chinese investments make no such demands on the host governments. Given China’s lack of respect for human rights, at least in the eyes of the West, there are also concerns that development aid from the BRI might be detrimental for human rights in recipient countries. This study analyzes the voting record of human rights resolutions in the UN from 2001-2013 for states that have received substantial BRI loans. The data shows that recipient countries are likely to align their UN votes with China, but not necessarily to the detriment of human rights. Close analysis of the resolutions passed by BRI partner countries show that most of their votes affirm human rights, which does not support the expectation that Chinese aid has a negative impact on the existing global human rights regime.

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