scholarly journals Mapping on Transnational Crime Routes in the New Silk Road: a Case Study of the Greater Mekong Sub-region

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-35
Author(s):  
Hai Thanh Luong

Abstract The Greater Mekong Sub-region (GMS), including five Southeast Asian countries and China, has experienced a significant increase in the cultivation of opium, trafficking of heroin and methamphetamine, and consumption of these illicit drugs. In recent years, the GMS has been expanded considerably as supply, destination, and transit route for illegal drug trade’s networks to and through, particularly when China officially applied ‘Belt and Road’ strategy. This paper reviews historical aspects and current trends in drug production and trafficking in the GMS, with special emphasis on Mekong River areas where China is ‘located’ as the heart of the transition. Some evidence consistent with the ‘supply, destination, and transit route’ arguments is found through locating and mapping drug trafficking networks to connect with China. Finally, this paper calls for some initial recommendations to improve the process of bilateral and multilateral cooperation in the GMS within the scope of Belt and Road Initiative.

2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (10) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
N. Rogozhina

The choice of the countries of Southeast Asia as an example for analyzing the nature of interaction between developing countries and China within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative is not accidental. The very logic of China’s stated goals of gaining dominant positions in the world economy and politics makes it inevitable that the countries of Southeast Asia located in geographic proximity to it are included in its long-term economic and political plans. The question, however, is to what extent do they meet the interests of the Southeast Asian countries themselves? The solution to this question is the main subject of research in the article. There are objective prerequisites for mutually beneficial cooperation. The Belt and Road projects are viewed by China as a tool for economic expansion into the region with the prospect of taking a leading position there, using the interest of Southeast Asian countries in the inflow of foreign investment to create modern infrastructure, the lack of which narrows their opportunities for further economic growth, maintaining competitiveness and developing integration ties within ASEAN Community. Expert assessments made by international organizations confirm the positive impact of OBOR projects on the economic development of Southeast Asian countries and although today it is too early to draw any conclusions, since the initiative is only at the initial stage of its implementation in the region, nevertheless the case studies presented in the article indicate a mismatch in the positions of the parties on a number of issues related to the financing of projects, their lack of transparency. non-compliance with environmental and social requirements. The support of the initiative on the part of the Southeast Asian countries does not automatically mean their acceptance of the terms of the agreements proposed by China, which are far from always consistent with their national interests and give rise to fears in society about its expansionist intentions. Therefore, in many Southeast Asian countries, participation in OBOR projects is turning into a subject of political discourse, which reflects the presence of disagreements in society and confrontation of interests regarding the advisability of rapprochement with China, given the associated economic and political risks. The countries of Southeast Asia can be conditionally divided into two groups according to their relation to the Belt and Road initiative. The first group includes Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam and Myanmar, whose position can be described as national pragmatism. While supporting the Chinese initiative in general, they nevertheless assess the possible risks of their participation in projects and seek to reduce them. The second group is represented by Laos and Cambodia, whose leadership unconditionally supports the Chinese initiative, guided by the interests of their own survival, which largely depends on Chinese assistance. Therefore, the prospect of falling into a debt trap and increasing economic dependence on the PRC and even the threat of losing sovereignty does not deter them from participating in highly controversial projects from a commercial point of view. Based on the analysis made, the author comes to the conclusion that, given the existing alignment of political forces in Southeast Asia, China can count on promoting its initiative in the region, which, however, does not automatically lead to an increase in its political influence and to the creation of a China-centric model of regional order. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-crisis world order: challenges and technologies, competition and cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (agreement № 075-15-2020-783).


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 89-98
Author(s):  
Rahmadha Akbar Syah ◽  
Zaki Khudzaifi Mahmud

To improve connectivity and energy security, especially natural gas, Southeast Asian countries, under the cooperation of Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), are trying to build a gas pipeline that stretches from Indonesia to Myanmar. The project is called the Trans ASEAN Gas Pipeline (TAGP) under the ASEAN Plan of Action for Energy Cooperation (APAEC) scheme. However, regional countries are still dealing with their domestic problems, and there are fears that TAGP is detrimental to producer countries, resulting in the delay of this project as much by as four years – from 2020 to 2024. The uncertainty of the TAGP project further emphasizes that there is a tendency for countries not to adhere to the ASEAN forum’s agreements. Especially if it has to be juxtaposed with the Russian Gas Pipeline project which was built to distribute natural gas to Western European countries, TAGP is still far behind. In designing this paper, the authors use qualitative methods through literature studies by referring to the realism approach of International Relations to dissect TAGP problems. Furthermore, the author also feels the need to accommodate the neorealism approach to be used as a supportive approach in looking at the issues of disobedience in regional countries in supporting the TAGP scheme. Also, the authors conducted a brief comparison between TAGP and the Russian Gas Pipeline to be used as a case study analysis material that would later provide answers of why TAGP failed to go as planned.Keywords: realism, neorealism, TAGP, Russian Gas Pipeline


Author(s):  
M. A. Glaser ◽  
◽  
N.N. Novik ◽  

The article discusses the parameters of human security in SouthEast Asia. The analysis of three systems – physical, biological and social – revealed the specifics of the security environment of the SEA countries. The situation with the COVID-19 virus, the difficulties it generates in the SEA countries. The authors conclude that in case the current trends continue, solving problems without strengthening regional cooperation within ASEAN is unlikely. But in order to translate this into reality, the Southeast Asian countries need to find a consensus on the ASEAN approach to human security.


2014 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 284-291
Author(s):  
Zarina Othman Dan

The issue of international drug abuse and illicit drug trafficking is a problem that is often associated with transnational organised crimes. Malaysia is of no exception where the threat from drug syndicates has become more prevalent especially since the existence of the internet facilities all over the world. Thus, this paper examines the reason why the juvenile are exposed to illicit drugs and are vulnerable to become victims to these substances to an extent that they are caught as Juvana offenders. This paper applying neolibralisme theoretical approach, as a guiding and analyzing the issue of juvenile involvement in illicit drug trafficking in Malaysia. Primary data was collected through document analysis, interviews, and for the case study, an interview was carried out on selected Juvana offenders. The findings of the research have shown the roles of the syndicates, to recruit the juvenile as trafficker as well as to bind them from staying away from the syndicate after they are released from the detention. It is hoped that by creating a more effective and systematic policy, the threat on juvenile from the illicit drug issue can be addressed accordingly and in turn, will enable them to contribute to the development and security of the country in the future.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (10) ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Mohammad Naji Shah Mohammadi ◽  
Salawati Mat Basir ◽  
Elmira Sobatian

<p>ECO member states are among a big producer of opium and heroin in the world and all trafficking routes used for trafficking illicit drugs to the world pass through ECO countries. On the other hand many insurgent groups are actively involved in illicit drug trafficking. ECO’s Main objective is economic development in its region and directly unproductive profit seeking activities such as drug trafficking and insurgency is tight barrier to reach this goal. The aim of this research is to investigate the correlation between drug trafficking and insurgency in ECO region and identify the reasons for this connection to cope with this problem. There are various theories, which attempt to explain the relationship between drug trafficking and insurgency. Generally speaking, it appears that it is not sensible to lump organized crime groups, who conduct drug trafficking, and terrorist groups together in ECO area. Although there are some links between them, they have essential motivational and operational discrepancies.</p><p> </p><p> </p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 02 (01) ◽  
pp. 2050003
Author(s):  
Cahyo Pamungkas ◽  
Saiful Hakam ◽  
Devi Tri Indriasari

This paper aims to describe the reason of China to change its governance of investment mainly the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Southeast Asia. Although many countries in this region need huge investment to improve and build their infrastructure as well as infrastructure’s connectivity between countries, there is some fear involving China’s investment in the past. These are unintended consequences of China’s investment on environmental, social, and debt-trap in certain poor countries. Nevertheless, there is still hope for better Chinese investment such as consideration of local people’s aspirations and more transparency. At the regional level, the BRI can synergize with local connectivity initiatives, such as the Master Plan on ASEAN Connectivity (MPAC) and Indonesia’s Global Maritime Fulcrum, and encourage the integration of the ASEAN Economic Community. Different from the previous studies, this paper also uses the historical approach by learning the relation between China and Southeast Asian countries in the past. Our argument is Southeast Asian countries do not need to fear Chinese economic expansions based on history that China is not a political threat in the region. However, China should change the governance of BRI to accommodate the interest of people in Southeast Asian countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-151
Author(s):  
Hai Thanh Luong

AbstractIn recent years, transit routes in Vietnam for drug trafficking networks in the Southeast Asia region and beyond have expanded considerably. Many international scholars are working on identifying destination and transit routes of drug trafficking entities “to and through” Vietnam. Among these routes, the crossings through the Vietnam–Laos borderland of about 2,340 km are among the most severe concerns. This article analyses supply-and-demand scales of illicit drugs in Vietnam from 2008 to 2017 within the context of illegal drug trafficking in the mainland Southeast Asian region. Some evidence consistent with the “destination and transit route” arguments were found through mapping three main ways across the Vietnam–Laos borderland. The article also calls for enhancing the bilateral cooperation among law enforcement agencies to prevent and combat drug trafficking from the two sides.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Taha Husain

<p><em>The purpose of this study is to scrutinize the insinuation of Galtung’s </em><em>“</em><em>positive</em><em>”</em><em> and </em><em>“</em><em>negative</em><em>”</em><em> peace in southeast Asian countries. Applying the qualitative research methodology and a case study approach, this study finds a relation of Galtung’s’ peace theory and peaceful coexistence in contemporary Southeast Asian nations. This study reveals that the southeast Asian nation-states beneath the authority of ASEAN’s regionalism have efficaciously been managed its negative peace since the 1970s. The execution of positive peace, on the other hand, had instigated with the enactment of treaty, accord and agreement since the 1980s. This regional organization has taken numerous strategies, which contributes to speed up its economy, improve social lifespan and develop a culture of peace in this area. The zone which was once well-known for its mutual confrontation, hostility and conflict, has now converted diplomatic. Its non-coercive approaches, soft diplomacy and, nuclear nonproliferation has now turned into a pioneer characteristic for the conflict-prone regions of the world. </em></p>


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