National Security and the Choice of International Humanitarian Aid: Denmark and The Korean War, 1950-1953

2011 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 148-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristine Midtgaard

Denmark was among five countries contributing humanitarian assistance to United Nations (UN) forces during the Korean War. In August 1950, Denmark offered to place at the disposal of the UN a fully equipped hospital ship. The decision reflected the Danish government's reluctance to send combat troops to Korea but its desire to take part in other ways. This article analyzes the political, organizational, and practical aspects of Danish policy, showing how Denmark's engagement in Korea was civilian rather than military in its orientation. The assistance was organized by the Danish Red Cross, and the staff was mainly civilian. In addition to treating wounded UN soldiers, the civilian Danish hospital staff treated civilian Korean patients. Denmark balanced its aversion to sending military forces with its desire to ensure goodwill in Washington.


2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-116
Author(s):  
Paul S. Cha

Abstract During the 1950s a number of private and voluntary aid organizations (PVOs) in the United States mobilized to address the humanitarian crisis caused by the Korean War. However, the activities and roles PVOs played in both providing humanitarian relief in South Korea and shaping American perceptions of the country are poorly understood. This article examines the strategies PVOs employed in their campaigns to convince Americans to contribute aid. The existence of need was a necessary but not sufficient condition. As scholars of humanitarian aid have argued, potential donors might view images of suffering with pity and sympathy but then quickly turn away. Donors must feel a sense of solidarity to move beyond sympathy and act in compassion. This work demonstrates that PVOs tried to create narratives of commonality between Americans and South Koreans. However, a reliance on images of poverty—which were critical to raise money—conflicted with the message that South Koreans were, like Americans, independent and hardworking people. The aid groups’ strategic attempts to mitigate this dissonance by focusing on the supposedly weak (elderly, women, children, and amputees) had the unintended consequence of casting South Korea as an emasculated nation needing to be “saved.”


Author(s):  
Jungsil Jenny Lee

Kim Pok-chin was a pioneering modern sculptor, art critic, and socialist agitator who led a progressive literary movement in colonial Korea. Studies of Kim and his art date mostly after 1988, due to national security laws in South Korea that had prevented previous research. Kim learned sculpture at the Tokyo School of Fine Arts from 1920 to 1925. He left behind a wide range of work on both traditional and modern subjects. In his nudes, monumental statues of great Korean historical figures, and Buddhist subjects, Kim’s style was representational, realistic, and Western. These works were done in various media such as clay, bronze, gold, and wood. In addition to sculpture, Kim was interested in literature and modern theater. In 1923, he established the play performance group T’owŏlhoe in Japan. Moreover, Kim was a leader of the Socialist writers’ group, KAPF (Korea Artista Proleta Federatio, 1925–1935). He fought for Korea’s liberation from Japan and then for the people’s revolution against Feudalism. From 1928 to 1933, Kim was imprisoned for his secret work with the Communist Party and then died suddenly. During the Korean War, most of his art was lost with only a few Maitreya statues remaining in local Buddhist monasteries.


Rough Draft ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 22-68
Author(s):  
Amy J. Rutenberg

This chapter contends that members of Congress were reluctant to draft students and fathers during the Korean War because they believed the conflict was just the opening salvo of a much longer Cold War. America was entering an indeterminate period of militarized peace, during which conscription would remain necessary. Therefore, the nation’s economic and domestic future depended on careful and reasoned deliberation over who to draft and who to defer. The draft law that emerged during the Korean War, the Universal Military Training and Service Act of 1951, militarized fatherhood and civilian occupations defined as in the national health, safety, or interest by making them eligible for deferments. Yet, by keeping certain groups of men out of the armed forces in the name of national security, the law broadened the definition of service to the state and limited the reach of the military itself.


2018 ◽  
pp. 97-130
Author(s):  
Denzenlkham Ulambayar

Since the 1990s, when previously classified and top secret Russian archival documents on the Korean War became open and accessible, it has become clear for post-communist countries that Kim Il Sung, Stalin and Mao Zedong were the primary organizers of the war. It is now equally certain that tensions arising from Soviet and American struggle generated the origins of the Korean War, namely the Soviet Union’s occupation of the northern half of the Korean peninsula and the United States’ occupation of the southern half to the 38th parallel after 1945 as well as the emerging bipolar world order of international relations and Cold War. Newly available Russian archival documents produced much in the way of new energies and opportunities for international study and research into the Korean War.2 However, within this research few documents connected to Mongolia have so far been found, and little specific research has yet been done regarding why and how Mongolia participated in the Korean War. At the same time, it is becoming today more evident that both Soviet guidance and U.S. information reports (evaluated and unevaluated) regarding Mongolia were far different from the situation and developments of that period. New examples of this tendency are documents declassified in the early 2000s and released publicly from the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in December 2016 which contain inaccurate information. The original, uncorrupted sources about why, how and to what degree the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR) became a participant in the Korean War are in fact in documents held within the Mongolian Central Archives of Foreign Affairs. These archives contain multiple documents in relation to North Korea. Prior to the 1990s Mongolian scholars Dr. B. Lkhamsuren,3 Dr. B. Ligden,4 Dr. Sh. Sandag,5 junior scholar J. Sukhee,6 and A. A. Osipov7 mention briefly in their writings the history of relations between the MPR and the DPRK during the Korean War. Since the 1990s the Korean War has also briefly been touched upon in the writings of B. Lkhamsuren,8 D. Ulambayar (the author of this paper),9 Ts. Batbayar,10 J. Battur,11 K. Demberel,12 Balảzs Szalontai,13 Sergey Radchenko14 and Li Narangoa.15 There have also been significant collections of documents about the two countries and a collection of memoirs published in 200716 and 2008.17 The author intends within this paper to discuss particularly about why, how and to what degree Mongolia participated in the Korean War, the rumors and realities of the war and its consequences for the MPR’s membership in the United Nations. The MPR was the second socialist country following the Soviet Union (the Union of the Soviet Socialist Republics) to recognize the DPRK (Democratic People’s Republic of Korea) and establish diplomatic ties. That was part of the initial stage of socialist system formation comprising the Soviet Union, nations in Eastern Europe, the MPR, the PRC (People’s Republic of China) and the DPRK. Accordingly between the MPR and the DPRK fraternal friendship and a framework of cooperation based on the principles of proletarian and socialist internationalism had been developed.18 In light of and as part of this framework, The Korean War has left its deep traces in the history of the MPR’s external diplomatic environment and state sovereignty


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