Author(s):  
Sarah-Jane Leslie

Generics are statements such as ‘dogs are mammals’, ‘a tiger is striped’, ‘the dodo is extinct’, ‘ducks lay eggs’ and ‘mosquitoes carry the West Nile virus’. Generic statements express general claims about kinds, rather than claims about particular individuals. Unlike other general statements such as ‘all dogs are mammals’ or ‘most tigers are striped’, generics do not involve the use of explicit quantifiers (such as ‘all’ or ‘most’ in these examples). In English, generics can be expressed using a variety of syntactic forms: bare plurals (e.g. ‘ducks lay eggs’), indefinite singulars (e.g. ‘a tiger is striped’) and definite singulars (‘the dog is a mammal’). (Sometimes, habitual statements such as ‘Mary smokes’ or ‘John runs in the park’ are classified as generics, but we will not follow this practice here.) The truth conditions of generics have proved quite puzzling for theorists. For example, ‘dogs are mammals’ seems to require for its truth that all (possible) dogs be mammals. ‘A tiger is striped’ or ‘ravens are black’, however, are somewhat more forgiving, since they are compatible with the existence of a few stripeless albino tigers, and white albino ravens. ‘Ducks lay eggs’ and ‘a lion has a mane’ are more forgiving still; these generics are true even though it is only the mature members of one gender which possess the relevant properties. This truth-conditional laxity is limited in scope, however: we do not accept ‘ducks are female’ or ‘lions are male’, even though every egg-laying duck is a female duck, and similarly mutatis mutandis for maned lions. Finally, we accept ‘mosquitoes carry the West Nile virus’, even though fewer than 1 per cent of mosquitoes carry the virus, while also rejecting ‘books are paperbacks’, when over 80 per cent of books are paperbacks. The correct analysis of the truth conditions for generics is a matter of great controversy among theorists working on the problem.


Author(s):  
Bert Le Bruyn ◽  
Henriëtte de Swart ◽  
Joost Zwarts

Bare nominals (also called “bare nouns”) are nominal structures without an overt article or other determiner. The distinction between a bare noun and a noun that is part of a larger nominal structure must be made in context: Milk is a bare nominal in I bought milk, but not in I bought the milk. Bare nouns have a limited distribution: In subject or object position, English allows bare mass nouns and bare plurals, but not bare singular count nouns (*I bought table). Bare singular count nouns only appear in special configurations, such as coordination (I bought table and chairs for £182). From a semantic perspective, it is noteworthy that bare nouns achieve reference without the support of a determiner. A full noun phrase like the cookies refers to the maximal sum of cookies in the context, because of the definite article the. English bare plurals have two main interpretations: In generic sentences they refer to the kind (Cookies are sweet), in episodic sentences they refer to some exemplars of the kind (Cookies are in the cabinet). Bare nouns typically take narrow scope with respect to other scope-bearing operators like negation. The typology of bare nouns reveals substantial variation, and bare nouns in languages other than English may have different distributions and meanings. But genericity and narrow scope are recurring features in the cross-linguistic study of bare nominals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 266-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdelkader Hermas

This study investigates the acquisition of genericity in advanced third language (L3) English. The learners are first language (L1) Moroccan Arabic–second language (L2) French adults. They completed an acceptability judgment task testing the interpretation of five count nominal types in noun phrase (NP)-level and sentence-level genericity: definite, indefinite and bare singulars, definite and bare plurals. The study defines the generic or non-generic status of every NP form in the learners’ L3 interlanguage. The results show that the L3 learners are target-like on the generic interpretation of bare plurals, although these are strictly existential in their native language and illicit in L2 French. Definite and bare singulars do not pose any difficulty either. In contrast, non-facilitative L1 transfer induces the generic interpretation of definite plurals and restricts indefinite singulars to the existential interpretation. The results show that the L3 learners do not distinguish NP-level from sentence-level genericity, reflecting L1 Arabic grammar where the two merge. They use the same pattern of NP types for the two types. Thus, knowledge of genericity in L3 English is a patchwork of target-like and non-target-like exponents.


2012 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 483-518 ◽  
Author(s):  
TANIA IONIN ◽  
SILVINA MONTRUL ◽  
MÓNICA CRIVOS

ABSTRACTThis paper investigates how learners interpret definite plural noun phrases (e.g., the tigers) and bare (article-less) plural noun phrases (e.g., tigers) in their second language. Whereas Spanish allows definite plurals to have both generic and specific readings, English requires definite plurals to have specific, nongeneric readings. Generic readings in English are expressed with bare plurals, which are ungrammatical in Spanish in preverbal subject position. Two studies were conducted in order to investigate the role of first language transfer in this domain in both English → Spanish and Spanish → English directions. Study 1 used a meaning-focused task to probe learners’ interpretation of definite plural nour phrases, whereas Study 2 used a form-focused task to examine learners’ judgments of the acceptability of definite and bare plurals in generic versus specific contexts. First language transfer was attested in both directions, at lower proficiency levels, whereas more targetlike performance was attested at higher proficiency levels. Furthermore, learners were found to be more successful in learning about the (un)grammaticality of bare plurals in the target language than in assigning the target interpretation to definite versus bare plurals. This finding is shown to be consistent with other studies’ findings of plural noun phrase interpretation in monolingual and bilingual children.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Yılmaz Köylü

This study investigated the acquisition of kind referring noun phrase interpretation in L2 English by learners with Turkish, Arabic and Chinese L1 backgrounds. 37 advanced learners of English with Turkish (10), Arabic (10) and Chinese (10) L1 backgrounds, and 7 native English speakers were recruited. The tasks were a 48-item Fill in the gaps task and a 64-item Acceptability judgment task. The results indicated that: (a) native speakers, and L2 learners mostly produced bare plurals for count nouns and bare singulars for mass nouns for kind reference; (b) L2 learners of English transferred the morphosyntactic manifestation of kind reference from their L1s, substantiating the Full Transfer Full Access Hypothesis (Schwartz & Sprouse, 1996); and (c) the similarity between the participants’ L1s and L2 did not always lead them to produce correct noun forms and articles for kind reference, neither did such a similarity consistently help the learners in their acceptability judgments for kind reference.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 53
Author(s):  
Sebastià Salvà i Puig

This paper aims to explain, from a theoretical point of view, the behaviour of past participle agreement with the object in situ (PPAOIS) in Majorcan Catalan. It is possible in perfect telic dynamic events, but not in Kimian and Davidsonian states —except for certain telic dynamic constructions built with Kiparsky (1998) and Jaque’s  (2014) high pure stative verbs—, nor in some atelic dynamic constructions (like those ones with NP objects bounded by a D or Q), although it is perfectly grammatical with bare plurals and with bare mass nouns. In order for PPAOIS to be possible, it is proposed that a specific functional head (Asp, that is to say: Proc[uq][uϕ]), related to so-called inner aspect, must be present in the event structure. Asp establishes a double Agree relation with the object, in order to get its quantisation and [uϕ] features valued. It is also explored the possibility that the [q] feature of Asp be interpretable. If Asp is not present in the structure, the impossibility of PPAOIS follows. Moreover, PPAOIS will be only materialised if a pro object co-referent with the full NP object moves through a LowTop position —similar to the AgrO projection proposed by Kayne (1989).


2015 ◽  
Vol 25 ◽  
pp. 394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin

The empirical puzzle to be solved is the contrast between partitive and non-partitive most (which respectively take of-DP and NP restrictors, respectively) wrt their compatibility with a collective predicate (or a collectively interpreted mixed predicate) in the nuclear scope. The proposal will rely on the ‘null hypothesis’ regarding the correspondence between syntactic categories and semantic type: DPs and NPs respectively denote entities and sets of entities. Our puzzle will be solved by explaining why set-restrictor quantifiers cannot denote relations between sets of plural entities whereas entity-restrictor quantifiers can denote relations between plural entities. It will also be argued that plural bare NPs in the restrictor of most can be kind-denoting (in addition to being set-denoting) in English. Throughout the paper the main generalizations will be strengthened or refined by taking into account the Romanian counterparts of the relevant dat. Keywords: collective quantification, mass quantification, bare mass NPs, bare plurals, kind-reference


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