1. State Capitalist Analysis—Before The Russian Revolution, In Reaction To Stalin’s Consolidation Of Power, And After The Cold War

2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 141-147
Author(s):  
Ben Lewis

AbstractToday, Karl Kautsky (1854–1938) is mainly remembered for his polemics against the young Bolshevik regime or as the ‘renegade’ in Lenin’sThe Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky(1918), which pillories him for his wavering stance in opposing World War I and his (later) outright hostility to the Russian Revolution of October 1917. Kautsky’s authority as a Marxist theoretician was seriously called into question ever since Lenin’s polemic. During the Cold War in particular, a consensus emerged which suggested that Kautsky’s views of democracy, organisation and revolutionary change had little or nothing to do with the political practice of Russian Bolshevism and the Russian Revolution of 1917. Recently, however, several studies have challenged this consensus. They highlight the profound impact which Kautsky had on the development of Russian Bolshevism and make the case that – prior to his renegacy in 1914 – thinkers such as Lenin and Trotsky viewed Kautsky as the legitimate intellectual heir of Marx and Engels. This article introduces an autobiographical essay written by Kautsky in 1924 and calls for closer engagement with his œuvre as a whole.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (48) ◽  
pp. 327-345
Author(s):  
Thomas K. Lindner

This article examines how anti-imperialist thought in Mexico City inspired internationalism in the 1920s. It uses the concept of “tricontinentalism” to refer to the idea that Latin America, Africa, and Asia should stand in solidarity with each other and argues that tricontinentalist thinking originated not in the Cold War, but in the aftermath of the First World War. The Mexican and the Russian Revolution had demonstrated that radical social change was imaginable. Together with the First World War, which for many in the Americas signaled the demise of European global hegemony, these revolutions represented a new era of political possibilities as well as a tectonic shift in global politics. Consequently, many anti-imperialists in Mexico looked to “the East”, drawing inspiration from the anticolonial revolutions in Africa and Asia. The central question of this article is how anti-imperialist political activists, intellectuals, and artists engaged in tricontinental thinking by writing about China and Morocco. The examined transnational interactions constitute a radical version of an imagined internationalism in the 1920s.


Muzikologija ◽  
2006 ◽  
pp. 63-76
Author(s):  
Ricard Taraskin

In this article, the author observes and discusses the effects of Russian history on Russian music in the second half of the XXth century. Forming part of author?s long-range persistent polemics against Russian exceptionalism and against the kind of romantic overvaluation of art, the article expresses sharp and provocative views of the main stylistic tendencies in Soviet and Russian music during and after the epoch of the Cold War, as well as after the Second Russian Revolution in 1991. Special attention is paid to the activity and works of the most prominent Russian composers of their time Andrey Volkonsky, Edison Denisov, Nikolai Keretnikov, Arvo P?rt, Elena Frisova, Sofia Gubaidulina and Alfred Schnittke.


2022 ◽  
Vol 86 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-35
Author(s):  
Nerina Visacovsky

Progressive and Communist Jewish identity in Argentina flourished between the Russian Revolution of 1917 and the Cold War. In 1937, during the Popular Front period, Jewish Communist intellectuals organized an International Congress of Yiddish Culture in Paris. Twenty-three countries were represented, and the Congress formed the Yiddisher Kultur Farband (YKUF). In 1941, this Congress was replicated in Argentina, where the YKUF sponsored an important network of schools, clubs, theaters, socio-cultural centers, and libraries created by Yiddish-speaking Jewish immigrants from Eastern Europe. The Ykufist or Progressive Jewish identity reflects a particular construction that is as ethnic as it is political. As “Jewish,” it aimed to transmit the secular heritage of the Yiddishkeit devastated in Europe during World War II, but as “progressive,” “radical” or “Communist,” it postulated its yearning for integration into a universal socialism led by the Soviet model. Progressive Jewish identity was shaped in the antifascist culture and by permanent tensions between Jewish ethnicity and the guidelines of the Communist Party. Above all, it was framed by a fervent aspiration of the immigrants and their children to integrate into their Argentine society.


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