Foundations for a New World Order: Uniting Protestant Worship during the World War II Japanese American Incarceration

2018 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 304-316
Author(s):  
Anne M. Blankenship

During the World War II incarceration of Japanese Americans, visions of a peaceful new world order led mainline Protestants to manipulate the worship practices of incarcerated Japanese Americans ( Nikkei) to strengthen unity of the church and nation. Ecumenical leaders saw possibilities within the chaos of incarceration and war to improve themselves, their church, and the world through these experiments based on ideals of Protestant ecumenism and desires for racial equality and integration. This essay explores why agendas that restricted the autonomy of racial minorities were doomed to fail and how Protestants can learn from this experience to expand their definition of unity to include pluralist representations of Christianity and America as imagined by different sects and ethnic groups.

2018 ◽  
pp. 87-116
Author(s):  
Peter Uwe Hohendahl

This chapter focuses on The Nomos of the Earth, offering a comparative reading of Schmitt’s conception of European colonialism and more recent critical studies of the relevance of colonialism for the emergence of modern global history. In particular, the analysis contrasts Schmitt’s framing of colonialism as a crucial positive moment of modern history with a fundamental critique developed by liberation movements after World War II (Fanon). This analysis leads up to a discussion of recent affirmations of western imperialism in which Schmitt’s ideas seem to return.


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  
Lloyd E. Ambrosius

One hundred years ago, on April 6, 1917, President Woodrow Wilson led the United States into the First World War. Four days earlier, in his war message to Congress, he gave his rationale for declaring war against Imperial Germany and for creating a new world order. He now viewed German submarine attacks against neutral as well as belligerent shipping as a threat to the whole world, not just the United States. “The present German submarine warfare against commerce is a warfare against mankind,” he claimed. “It is a war against all nations.” He now believed that Germany had violated the moral standards that “citizens of civilized states” should uphold. The president explained: “We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that the same standards of conduct and responsibility for wrong done shall be observed among nations and their governments that are observed among the individual citizens of civilized states.” He focused on protecting democracy against the German regime of Kaiser Wilhelm II. “A steadfast concert for peace,” he said, “can never be maintained except by a partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic government could be trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants.” Wilson called on Congress to vote for war not just because Imperial Germany had sunk three American ships, but for the larger purpose of a new world order. He affirmed: “We are glad, now that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation of its peoples, the German peoples included: for the rights of nations great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the tested foundation of political liberty.”


Author(s):  
Eileen H. Tamura

As a leading dissident in the World War II concentration camps for Japanese Americans, Joseph Yoshisuke Kurihara stands out as an icon of Japanese American resistance. In this biography, Kurihara's life provides a window into the history of Japanese Americans during the first half of the twentieth century. Born in Hawaiʻi to Japanese parents who immigrated to work on the sugar plantations, Kurihara was transformed by the forced removal and incarceration of ethnic Japanese during World War II. As an inmate at Manzanar in California, Kurihara became one of the leaders of a dissident group within the camp and was implicated in “the Manzanar incident,” a serious civil disturbance that erupted on December 6, 1942. In 1945, after three years and seven months of incarceration, he renounced his U.S. citizenship and boarded a ship for Japan, never to return to the United States. Shedding light on the turmoil within the camps as well as the sensitive and formerly unspoken issue of citizenship renunciation among Japanese Americans, this book explores one man's struggles with the complexities of loyalty and dissent.


1995 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-143
Author(s):  
Akira Kojima

During the Cold War, relationships between governments were fixed by the powerful polarities of East and West. With the end of the Cold War, these relationships became more fluid and more volatile. A multipolar series of forccs--what we optimistically term the New World Order--has now replaced the bipolar forces that defined relationships among nations since the end of World War II.


Author(s):  
Alexander A. Plashchinsky

The article views the process of formation of the USA foreign policy strategy as being an instrument of establishing a new world order in the aftermath of World War II. An array of information, which consists of numerous sources in English, has been introduced into the scientific circulation of Belarusian political science and translated by the author himself. These are USA foreign policy documents, archival materials, memoirs, specialised periodicals, etc. Based on system analysis of this information, the key factors that determined the formation of the USA global strategy have been identified and analysed. Among them are the following ones: military, strategic, economic, political, nuclear, messianic, personal, factor of external threat («image of enemy »), geopolitical. The medium and long-term goals of the USA foreign policy strategy in Eurasia have been identified. The system analysis of the factors, goals and geopolitical concepts used by the White House in realising its foreign policy, both during the Cold War and in its aftermath, allows tracing how did the liberal paradigm, which foundations had been formed within the historical events of the first post-war years, become a reality today. The article demonstrates that the expansion of the new world order paradigm is being accompanied by permanent economic, geopolitical and military expansion of the United States. In the framework of that expansion the territories of modern Belarus, Russia and other states of the former USSR are the stepping stones necessary to gain world leadership. From this point of view, the Cold War is not over. Yet its forms and methods have changed. Therefore, the new world order appears as being a multifaceted phenomenon projected into the informational, economic, and military-political dimensions to establish the global power of the USA in the world and that of the forces that stand behind it. It is concluded that the obeyance of the national spirit to the interests of the US foreign policy strategy is the main conceptual goal of the latter. This fact determines the nature of the modern war on consciousness. Understanding the new world order phenomenon as well as the USA foreign policy strategy as being the instrument of its establishing is necessary to ensure national security and successive development of the Belarusian state.


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