Protests on the Front Page: Media Salience, Institutional Dynamics, and Coverage of Collective Action in the New York Times, 1960-1995

2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Rafail ◽  
Edward T. Walker ◽  
John D. McCarthy

Past research has illuminated consistent patterns in the type of protests that receive media attention. Still, we know relatively little about the differential prominence editors assign to events deemed worthy of coverage. We argue that while media routines shape whether events are covered, mass media organizations, social institutions, and systemic changes are important factors in determinations of prominence. To examine patterns of prominence, this study analyzes the factors influencing page placement patterns of protests covered in the New York Times, 1960-1995. We find that (1) protests are less likely to appear prominently over time, but this effect is conditioned by the paper’s editorial and publishing regime; (2) regime effects were especially consequential for civil rights and peace protests; (3) effects of event size and violence weakened over time; and (4) events embedded within larger cycles of protest coverage during less constricted news cycles were more likely to be featured prominently.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence J. Trautman

In November 2018, The New York Times ran a front-page story describing how Facebook concealed knowledge and disclosure of Russian-linked activity and exploitation resulting in Kremlin led disruption of the 2016 and 2018 U.S. elections, through the use of global hate campaigns and propaganda warfare. By mid-December 2018, it became clear that the Russian efforts leading up to the 2016 U.S. elections were much more extensive than previously thought. Two studies conducted for the United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI), by: (1) Oxford University’s Computational Propaganda Project and Graphika; and (2) New Knowledge, provide considerable new information and analysis about the Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) influence operations targeting American citizens.By early 2019 it became apparent that a number of influential and successful high growth social media platforms had been used by nation states for propaganda purposes. Over two years earlier, Russia was called out by the U.S. intelligence community for their meddling with the 2016 American presidential elections. The extent to which prominent social media platforms have been used, either willingly or without their knowledge, by foreign powers continues to be investigated as this Article goes to press. Reporting by The New York Times suggests that it wasn’t until the Facebook board meeting held September 6, 2017 that board audit committee chairman, Erskin Bowles, became aware of Facebook’s internal awareness of the extent to which Russian operatives had utilized the Facebook and Instagram platforms for influence campaigns in the United States. As this Article goes to press, the degree to which the allure of advertising revenues blinded Facebook to their complicit role in offering the highest bidder access to Facebook users is not yet fully known. This Article can not be a complete chapter in the corporate governance challenge of managing, monitoring, and oversight of individual privacy issues and content integrity on prominent social media platforms. The full extent of Facebook’s experience is just now becoming known, with new revelations yet to come. All interested parties: Facebook users; shareholders; the board of directors at Facebook; government regulatory agencies such as the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC); and Congress must now figure out what has transpired and what to do about it. These and other revelations have resulted in a crisis for Facebook. American democracy has been and continues to be under attack. This article contributes to the literature by providing background and an account of what is known to date and posits recommendations for corrective action.


2009 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 636-656 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edwin Amenta ◽  
Neal Caren ◽  
Sheera Joy Olasky ◽  
James E. Stobaugh

Why did some social movement organization (SMO) families receive extensive media coverage? In this article, we elaborate and appraise four core arguments in the literature on movements and their consequences: disruption, resource mobilization, political partisanship, and whether a movement benefits from an enforced policy. Our fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analyses (fsQCA) draw on new, unique data from the New York Times across the twentieth century on more than 1,200 SMOs and 34 SMO families. At the SMO family level, coverage correlates highly with common measures of the size and disruptive activity of movements, with the labor and African American civil rights movements receiving the most coverage. Addressing why some movement families experienced daily coverage, fsQCA indicates that disruption, resource mobilization, and an enforced policy are jointly sufficient; partisanship, the standard form of “political opportunity,” is not part of the solution. Our results support the main perspectives, while also suggesting that movement scholars may need to reexamine their ideas of favorable political contexts.


1995 ◽  
Vol 72 (4) ◽  
pp. 841-850 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Hughes

Scholars and political actors generally believe that presidents enjoy a period of sanguine rapport with the press gallery during a honeymoon of about two months at the beginning of each new administration. The honeymoon is characterized by a minimum of hostile questions by reporters and relatively gentle media treatment of the new president. However, this content analysis of front-page headlines in the New York Times during the first 100 days of the Eisenhower, Kennedy, Nixon, Carter, Reagan, and Clinton administrations suggests that all honeymoons are not equal.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bryan E. Denham

When it publishes a major investigative report or exposé, a prominent news organization can transfer the salience of both an issue and its attributes to other news outlets. Major investigations can also affect how reporters in the same outlet think about an issue in the news. The present study examines intramedia and intermedia agenda-setting effects in the context of sport, drawing on allegations of a state-sponsored doping program in Russian athletics. In May 2016, Dr. Grigory Rodchenkov, a former doping official in Russia, described the program to reporters at the New York Times, and the ensuing front-page story impacted coverage both internally and externally. The current study considers the implications of these effects for sports journalism and individual athletes.


Author(s):  
Russell Walker

In March 2007 C. James Prieur, CEO of insurance provider Conseco, was faced with a crisis. The front page of the New York Times featured a story on the grieving family of an elderly woman who had faithfully paid for her Conseco long-term care (LTC) policy, only to find that it would not pay her claims. Her family had to pay for her care (until her recent death), which unfortunately resulted in the loss of the family business. The family was now very publicly pursuing litigation. For a company that depended on thousands of employees, investors, and independent agents who sold the insurance plans, this reputational risk was a serious threat. On top of this immediate crisis, all signs in the industry were pointing to the fact that the LTC business itself was not viable, yet over the years Conseco had acquired a number of LTC insurance providers. Students are asked to analyze not only what Prieur’s priorities should be in addressing the immediate crisis but also the risks inherent in the LTC industry and how this might affect Conseco’s success as a business moving forwardAfter reading and analyzing the case, students will be able to: Analyze the risks in the long-term care insurance industry Distinguish the various types of risk that caused a company’s crisis and recognize the potential for contagion Brainstorm how the risks faced by Conseco could have been avoided or better contained Recommend the first steps C. James Prieur and the Conseco leadership team should take to rectify the New York Times article crisis


1994 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 74-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Riffe ◽  
Charles F. Aust ◽  
Ted C. Jones ◽  
Barbara Shoemake ◽  
Shyam Sundar

The Times has fewer, but longer international stories than it did two decades ago, and the front page contains a higher proportion of international items.


1975 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 340-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christine Ogan ◽  
Ida Plymale ◽  
D. Lynn Smith ◽  
William H. Turpin ◽  
Donald Lewis Shaw

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reeve Vanneman

This paper develops new text-mining methods to measure the recognition of American workers in the U.S. press and in American movies. The text-mining program searches 167,193 newspaper articles and 18,056 movie plots for over 35,000 job titles and codes them into standard U.S. Census occupational categories. These occupations are then recoded into common definitions of the working class and tracked over time. For The New York Times since 1980, recognition of working-class jobs has not declined, but it was always low. For regional American papers like the St. Louis Post Gazette, the Detroit News, or the Tampa Bay Times, working-class occupations had once enjoyed higher levels of recognition, but the rates have declined recently to levels similar to the New York Times. U.S. produced movies show a similar decline since 1930 in working-class inclusion.


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