Civil-Military Relations and the Potential to Influence: A Look at the National Security Decision-Making Process

1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-218 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher P. Gibson ◽  
Don M. Snider
2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Beni Sukadis

AbstrakReformasi bidang pertahanan yang dialami Indonesia sejak disahkan UU Pertahanan Negara dan UU TNI hingga kini belum selesai karena beberapa faktor yang cukup menghambat reformasi ini. Beberapa faktor yang menghambat, yaitu masih ada budaya paternalistik dalam birokrasi, masih ada ketidakjelasan kedudukan antara menteri pertahanan dan panglima TNI dalam pembagian wewenang khususnya terkait hubungan sipil-militer dan kepemimpinan sipil yang lemah dalam mengelola reformasi di Kementerian Pertahanan. Hingga saat ini implementasi supremasi sipil masih samar di Kementerian Pertahanan, walaupun secara faktual menteri pertahanan berasal dari sipil, tapi di sisi lain dominasi militer dalam jabatan pengambilan keputusan masih terjadi. Padahal supremasi sipil seharusnya direpresentasikan dalam wujud nyata bukan hanya dari hanya dari satu posisi pimpinan, yakni bagaimana otoritas sipil secara dominan dapat mengambil keputusan politik yang otonom sesuai dengan kebijakan negara yang dimandatkan oleh UU dan aturan yang ada.Kata kunci: reformasi pertahanan, hubungan sipil militer, supremasi sipil. Defense reform still underway since Indonesia passed the Law on State Defense and the TNI the reform law has not completed yet, because there are many factors that impede the reform process. Some of the factors are the paternalistic culture still exist in the bureaucracy, there is also ambiguity on the relations between the Defense Minister and the Commander of TNI in the division of labor especially to civil-military relations and weak civilian leadership in managing the reform at the Ministry of Defense. Until now, the implementation of civil supremacy within the Ministry is vague, although the ministers are civilian, but in fact the military domination in decision making process remains strong. Whereas, civil supremacy should not be exemplified on the top position, but the civilians authority take the lead in the decision making in accordance to the State Policy as stipulated by the law.Keywords: defense reform, civil-military, civilian supremacy.


2006 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 635-663 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles D. Freilich

This article presents a first of its kind typology of Israeli national security decision-making processes, focusing on five primary pathologies and a number of strengths. It will demonstrate that these pathologies are the product of an extraordinarily compelling external environment and domestic structural factors: chiefly, the extreme politicization of the decision-making process stemming from the proportional representation electoral system, the consequent need to govern through coalition cabinets, and the absence of effective cabinet-level decision-making support capabilities.


2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 38-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Holger Albrecht ◽  
Dorothy Ohl

A few years into the most recent wave of popular uprisings—the Arab Spring—studying regime trajectories in countries such as Syria, Egypt, and Yemen still seems like shooting at a moving target. Yet what has not escaped notice is the central role military actors have played during these uprisings. We describe how soldiers have three options when ordered to suppress mass unrest. They mayexitthe regime by remaining in the barracks or going into exile,resistby fighting for the challenger or initiating a coup d’état, or remainloyaland use force to defend the regime. We argue that existing accounts of civil-military relations are ill equipped to explain the diverse patterns in exit, resistance, and loyalty during unrest because they often ignore the effects of military hierarchy. Disaggregating the military and parsing the interests and constraints of different agents in that apparatus is crucial for explaining military cohesion during such crises. Drawing on extensive fieldwork we apply our principal-agent framework to explain varying degrees and types of military cohesion in three Arab Spring cases: Bahrain, Yemen, and Syria. Studying military hierarchy elucidates decision-making within authoritarian regimes amid mass mobilization and allows us to better explain regime re-stabilization, civil war onset, or swift regime change in the wake of domestic unrest.


2019 ◽  
Vol 111 (2) ◽  
pp. 71-84
Author(s):  
Ales BINAR

The Czechoslovak (Munich) Crisis of 1938 was concluded by an international conference that took place in Munich on 29-30 September 1938. The decision of the participating powers, i.e. France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom, was made without any respect for Czechoslovakia and its representatives. The aim of this paper is to examine the role of the defence sector, i.e. the representatives of the ministry of defence and the Czechoslovak armed forces during the Czechoslovak (Munich) Crisis in the period from mid-March to the beginning of October 1938. There is also a question as to, whether there are similarities between the position then and the present-day position of the army in the decision-making process.


Significance One feature of the plan is using the Army Corps of Engineers, which often works on natural disaster prevention and response, to build Trump's long-promised US-Mexico border wall. Yet White House lawyers are unsure if the military's mandate would include border security wall-building. Moreover, pulling the Department of Defense (DoD) into border security in this way would exacerbate concerns in Congress about Trump's departure from customary boundaries in US civil-military relations. Impacts Trump would likely veto legislation that threatened to curtail his national security and warfighting powers. Congress can vote down presidential vetoes, but only with a two-thirds vote; partisanship makes this unlikely. If Congress reaches bipartisan agreement, it can influence foreign policy by granting or withholding fiscal appropriations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Rachma Putri ◽  
Rezky Apriliantini ◽  
Adityo Darmawan Sudagung

Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan upaya negara Singapura membentuk NSCS (National Security Coordination Singapore) sebagai strategi kebijakan luar negeri yang baru untuk mengantisipasi masalah terorisme. Munculnya terorisme di Singapura didukung dengan perkembangan Al-Qaeda, sebagai sebuah jaringan global, di berbagai belahan dunia dan saling mendukung dengan pertukaran dana, peralatan dan keahlian. Penulis menggunakan teori counterterrorism dalam menganalisis keberadaan terorsime, teori decision making process untuk menganalisis strategi dan efektivitas upaya pengamanan isu terorisme di Sngapura. Penulis menggunakan metode penelitian deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif yang didukung dengan pengumpulan data studi kepustakaan dari sumber buku, literatur, jurnal penelitian, serta dari media berita. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan besarnya peran strategi pertahanan dalam menghadapi isu terorisme.  Terbukti dengan pembuatan kebijakan luar negeri melalui pertahanan militer serta menjaga perdamaian dan keamanan dalam ruang lingkup regional serta internasional. Pada akhirnya, negara Singapura berhasil membuktikan efektivitas kebijakan luar negeri Singapura melalui strategi pertahanan total dalam menghadapi isu terorisme.


Unity Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 120-125
Author(s):  
Pragya Ghimire

Military diplomacy has been an important security and foreign policy tool for many centuries. However, in the age of globalization, its importance has grown more rapidly than ever because of the recognition that country’s survival and development also depend on a peaceful and stable national and regional environment. Some of the significant practices in the past reflect that various tools of military diplomacy could be implemented to strengthen country’s overall diplomacy, including bilateral and multi-lateral contacts of military and civilian defence officials of foreign countries; preparing bilateral/multilateral security and defence agreements; exchanging experience with foreign military and civilian defence officials; providing military assistance and support to other countries, such as aid, materials and equipment when there is need and request during the disaster or humanitarian crises. However, these tools of strengthening military diplomacy will not be as effective as expected if there is no effective civil-military relations and synergies between a country’s national security and foreign policy. Moreover, it will require strong expertise and good command of civilian diplomats on security issues and military diplomats on foreign policy issues. To strengthen its military diplomacy to contribute to Nepal’s overall diplomacy and foreign policy, it will require more military attaché in Nepal foreign diplomatic missions of vital security and development interest. Moreover, Nepal should continue building synergies between its national security, foreign and development policies as well as strengthening military diplomacy both at bilateral and regional levels.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document