scholarly journals Nepal’s military diplomacy: Retrospect and prospect

Unity Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 120-125
Author(s):  
Pragya Ghimire

Military diplomacy has been an important security and foreign policy tool for many centuries. However, in the age of globalization, its importance has grown more rapidly than ever because of the recognition that country’s survival and development also depend on a peaceful and stable national and regional environment. Some of the significant practices in the past reflect that various tools of military diplomacy could be implemented to strengthen country’s overall diplomacy, including bilateral and multi-lateral contacts of military and civilian defence officials of foreign countries; preparing bilateral/multilateral security and defence agreements; exchanging experience with foreign military and civilian defence officials; providing military assistance and support to other countries, such as aid, materials and equipment when there is need and request during the disaster or humanitarian crises. However, these tools of strengthening military diplomacy will not be as effective as expected if there is no effective civil-military relations and synergies between a country’s national security and foreign policy. Moreover, it will require strong expertise and good command of civilian diplomats on security issues and military diplomats on foreign policy issues. To strengthen its military diplomacy to contribute to Nepal’s overall diplomacy and foreign policy, it will require more military attaché in Nepal foreign diplomatic missions of vital security and development interest. Moreover, Nepal should continue building synergies between its national security, foreign and development policies as well as strengthening military diplomacy both at bilateral and regional levels.

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-190
Author(s):  
Lidya Christin Sinaga

The rise of Xi Jinping has brought together the idea of the ‘China Dream’ as a great revival of China. Since the dream referred to the nationalism spirit of a ‘century of humiliation,’ it has made national security issues as the core of China’s diplomacy. While the national security-related foreign policy has enhanced the military's role in China’s foreign policy-making, it brings consequences for China’s tougher stance in protecting China’s national security. However, Xi Jinping’s notion of using military diplomacy has started uneasy relationships between China and some ASEAN countries resulting in ‘ongoing negotiation without progress’ for the South China Sea dispute. The research examines the impacts of the military’s growing role in China’s foreign policy under Xi Jinping to its military diplomacy in ASEAN. The results show that Xi Jinping’s leadership and vision of the China Dream, which uses military diplomacy as a key tool for advancing its whole diplomatic goals, has been seen as a sign of growing assertiveness.


Author(s):  
Kai Michael Kenkel

Latin American states have become major providers of troops for UN peacekeeping operations (PKOs) since the early 2000s. MINUSTAH (Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti), the UN mission in Haiti, 55% of whose troops were from the region, was a major watershed for local security cooperation and PKO contributions. Led by Brazil, these states were able to develop a specific approach to peacebuilding that reflects regional strengths and experiences, rooted in minimizing the use of force and bringing successful domestic development policies to bear abroad. This approach also reflects the common security and intervention culture that underpins policy in the region. Two states in particular have taken on a role as major providers of peacekeeping contingents. Tiny Uruguay, with a population of 3 million people, has maintained over 2,000 troops deployed on UN PKOs (more than 10% of its armed forces) since 2005. While Uruguay’s motivations are mostly economic—UN reimbursements exceed the country’s costs—Brazil’s ascendance as a major peacekeeping provider during MINUSTAH was part of a larger emerging-power foreign policy project. Participating in peacebuilding allowed the country to provide security through actions in the development realm, bridging a key gap in many rising states’ capabilities, and to mount an incipient challenge to the Western-led peacebuilding paradigm. The remaining states of Latin America show considerable diversity in their peacekeeping engagement, with many others sending small or token contributions and some no troops at all. Latin American states’ involvement in PKOs cannot be understood without looking at their interaction with patterns of civil–military relations in the region. In the case of such states, the effect of peacekeeping participation on civil–military relations, while a key point in need of monitoring, has not been decisive, as other factors prevail. Finally, PKOs have served as the locus for a significant increase in policy coordination and cooperation in the defense arena in the region. As the UN moves toward stabilization operations which privilege counterterrorism measures over the peacebuilding paradigm that is a strength of Latin American countries, PKOs may lose attractiveness as a foreign policy avenue in the region. Additionally, the swing to the right in recent elections may serve to reduce the appeal of a practice which came to the fore under previous left-wing governments.


Author(s):  
Julian Gonzalez-Guyer

During the last quarter of a century, Uruguay has contributed more to UN peacekeeping operations than any other South American nation and was one of the top twenty countries in the ranking of the UN’s Department of Peacekeeping Operations (DPKO) between 2001 and 2016. This is striking when one bears in mind that Uruguay’s population is less than 3.5 million and that the size of its armed forces has been steadily reduced since 1985. With these credentials, Uruguay secured a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council between 2016 and 2017, a position it had only previously held between 1965 and 1966. Contributing to peace operations has been a novelty in Uruguay’s foreign policy in the post-dictatorship era, though without breaking with the traditional principles of its foreign policy and strategic identity. Indeed, multilateralism and an adherence to the principles of non-intervention and negotiated conflict resolution have been consistent elements of Uruguayan foreign policy since the beginning of the 20th century. In fact, the motivations for Uruguay’s striking level of commitment to the UN peace operations are mainly linked to the evolution of civil–military relations after the dictatorship of 1973–1985.


Significance One feature of the plan is using the Army Corps of Engineers, which often works on natural disaster prevention and response, to build Trump's long-promised US-Mexico border wall. Yet White House lawyers are unsure if the military's mandate would include border security wall-building. Moreover, pulling the Department of Defense (DoD) into border security in this way would exacerbate concerns in Congress about Trump's departure from customary boundaries in US civil-military relations. Impacts Trump would likely veto legislation that threatened to curtail his national security and warfighting powers. Congress can vote down presidential vetoes, but only with a two-thirds vote; partisanship makes this unlikely. If Congress reaches bipartisan agreement, it can influence foreign policy by granting or withholding fiscal appropriations.


Author(s):  
BRANIMIR FURLAN

Povzetek Za sodobne demokratične civilno-vojaške odnose je značilna vključenost vojaških voditeljev v procese kreiranja politik o vprašanjih nacionalne varnosti in uporabe oboroženih sil. Pri oblikovanju obrambnih ali varnostnih interesov, ciljev in strategij se prepletata civilna in vojaška domena. Zaradi različnih pogledov na nacionalno varnost in obrambo ter z njima povezano vlogo vojske prihaja v civilno-vojaških odnosih do trenj, ki večinoma pomagajo pri sprejemanju dobrih odločitev in oblikovanju kakovostnih varnostnih ali obrambnih strategij. Trenja lahko prerastejo v civilno-vojaški konflikt in vodijo v destabilizacijo civilno-vojaških odnosov. Avtor na podlagi teoretičnih spoznanj o civilno-vojaških odnosih ter študije primera prakse tujih civilno-vojaških odnosov opisuje okoliščine, ki vodijo v civilno-vojaški konflikt. Pri tem predstavi nekatere negativne učinke uveljavljanja mehanizmov civilnega nadzora in pozitivne ter negativne zglede odzivanja ob nesoglasju med udeležencema civilno-vojaškega dialoga. Za zmanjšanje tveganja za nastanek konfliktov ter s tem ohranjanje stabilnih civilno-vojaških odnosov izpostavlja med drugim potrebo po zavedanju vojaških voditeljev o prevladujoči vlogi civilnih voditeljev v razpravah, v katerih prihaja do nesoglasij, ter potrebo po preudarni uporabi mehanizmov civilnega nadzora izvajalcev nadzora. Ključne besede: civilni nadzor, civilno-vojaški konflikti, civilno-vojaška trenja Abstract Modern and democratic civil-military relations are characterized by equal involvement of senior military leadership into processes for the creation of politics associated with questions on national security and use of armed forces. Civilian and military domains overlap in the process of defining defence and security interests, goals and strategies. Due to different perspectives on national security and defence, and the related role of the armed forces, civil-military tensions are logical consequence of this process. In most cases, tensions support effective decision making and creation of good security or defence strategies. At certain point, tensions may lead to civil-military conflicts and lead to the destabilization of civil-military relations. Using different theories of civil-military relations and foreign case studies, the author describes circumstances that lead to civil-military conflicts. He describes certain negative effects of implementing civilian control mechanisms, as well as good and bad examples of how both actors in civil-military debate respond to tensions. In order to reduce risks for the development of conflicts and consequently assure the stabilization of civil-military relations, the author highlights, among others, a need for the military leadership to be aware of the supremacy of civilian authorities in debates where consent does not exist, and a need for prudent use of control mechanisms by the civilian authorities. Key words: civilian control, civil-military conflicts, civil-military tensions


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