strong state
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2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (4) ◽  
pp. 117-124
Author(s):  
Daria Kostecka-Jurczyk

In Poland, during the People’s Republic of Poland, the policy of central management of the economy was based on the principles of unity of state power and unity of state property. They constituted the foundation of the state sector and the state economic activity. State-owned enterprises, strongly subordinated to public administration bodies, were the leading form of economic activity. The authoritarian state controlled not only the process of enterprise creation, liquidation and supervision, but also the enterprises’ operational activities. Strong state supervision and lack of responsibility for financial results were the main reasons for their low profitability, which in turn brought about attempts to reform the legal structure of the state-owned enterprises. The aim of the article is to show the legal and organizational changes in state-owned enterprises that are to produce an increase in economic efficiency. Based on the historical-legal method and the grammatical interpretation of the law, it was shown that the reforms undertaken in the field of the organization of state-owned enterprises were not effective.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 470-494
Author(s):  
Wilson X.B. Li ◽  
◽  
Tina T. He ◽  

Introducing the concept of viability, this study clarifies that the key to solving the poverty problem is to provide external assistance to nonviable residents. The study then proposes a simple model and explains that 1) although private market mechanisms are efficient for economic growth, public market mechanisms mobilizing societal resources are necessary and effective for poverty eradication; and 2) strong state capacity, competent leadership, and high social trust and support will benefit poverty eradication. The concept of viability and the model was further applied to compare the war on poverty in the US and the poverty alleviation plan in China in the following aspects: background and top design, public versus private market mechanism, leadership, social trust, and achievement. In addition, a cross-country investigation was conducted to obtain preliminary empirical evidence. The findings in this study support the concept and the model, which inspired us to provide some discussions.


Author(s):  
Minyoung Ku ◽  
Ahreum Han ◽  
Keon-Hyung Lee

The debate continues as to which governance structure is most appropriate for collaborative disaster response, particularly between centralization and decentralization. This article aims to contribute to this debate by analyzing the structural characteristics of a multisectoral network that emerged and evolved under strong state control during the 2015 outbreak of Middle East respiratory syndrome-coronavirus (MERS) in South Korea. This study particularly focuses on the evolution of intra- and inter-sectoral collaboration ties in the network. The data for the study were collected through a content analysis of government documents and news articles. Using social network analysis, the authors found that the network evolved into a centralized structure around a small number of governmental organizations at the central level, organizing the ties between participating organizations rather hierarchically. The network displayed a preponderance of internal ties both among health and non-health organizations and among public and nonpublic health organizations, but under different influences of structural characteristics. This tendency was intensified during the peak period. Based on these findings, the authors conclude that the centralization of disaster management may not or only marginally be conducive to cross-sector collaboration during public health disasters, calling for a careful design of governance structures for disaster response.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Etim O. Frank ◽  
E. E. Ubeng

The study set out to evaluate the theoretical, empirical and conceptual issues on COVID-19 Pandemic. It stated that the American system is described as a liberal capitalist system, which theoretically operates upon private ownership of the means of production, pursues profit in business trading as the motivation and production are for the markets. In this system, price mechanism determines demand and supply. China on the hand, had started reforms where they transited from Communism to Socialist market economy with strong State –Owned- Enterprises driving the economy. They have acquired the capitalist ethics of profit and competition hence aiming at profit in the global market place. In the course of this, they obtained favorable balance of trade with the U.S. The former U.S. president was desirous to change the situation, and started a trade-war with China which negotiations failed. In the midst of this came COVID-19,which this study termed the third World War given the fact that the number of nations and casualties caused by COVID-19, is greater than both the first and second World Wars. The study applied the descriptive research technique and deployed the Elite theory and the political economy perspective of analysis. It alluded to the logic of competition in capitalism which operates in both systems as accounting for the COVID-19 as ammunition to outwit one another. It outlined the manifest and latent manifest outcomes of the COVID-19, showing the various military ships in which their occupants were infected by COVID-19 after participating in the 7th CISM world Military games in Wuhan,-China. It also listed a number of Cruise-Liners which were docked because the occupants were infected by the virus. It concluded that just as global alliance helped to resolve the World wars and previous pandemic, global solidarity in finding out where and how the virus started and conduct research to find potent vaccine to end the pandemic is the solution to covid-19, else mankind would live with it.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Aeuy-Jai Gajaseni Tongbor

<p>This paper attempts to supplement a literature concerned with Turkey‘s Ottoman legacy, especially as it pertains to the functioning of civil society in Turkey. It does so because the efficacy of civil society in Turkey is a major topic of discussion in light of its European Union accession bid, and Turkey‘s Ottoman legacy is yet to be comprehensively teased out. While the strong state tradition which is part of the Ottoman legacy is well documented, relations within society separate from the state‘s influence are yet to be subjected to an historical analysis. While the influence of the state on Turkish society is pervasive, and must be a component of any analysis of civil society in Turkey, analysis focusing on Turkey‘s strong state legacy has obscured other interesting facets of the country‘s Ottoman legacy. This paper posits that deficiencies in Turkish civil society are not just the result of the strong state tradition, but also reflect social attitudes that can be traced to a number of policies implemented in the late-Ottoman Empire.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Aeuy-Jai Gajaseni Tongbor

<p>This paper attempts to supplement a literature concerned with Turkey‘s Ottoman legacy, especially as it pertains to the functioning of civil society in Turkey. It does so because the efficacy of civil society in Turkey is a major topic of discussion in light of its European Union accession bid, and Turkey‘s Ottoman legacy is yet to be comprehensively teased out. While the strong state tradition which is part of the Ottoman legacy is well documented, relations within society separate from the state‘s influence are yet to be subjected to an historical analysis. While the influence of the state on Turkish society is pervasive, and must be a component of any analysis of civil society in Turkey, analysis focusing on Turkey‘s strong state legacy has obscured other interesting facets of the country‘s Ottoman legacy. This paper posits that deficiencies in Turkish civil society are not just the result of the strong state tradition, but also reflect social attitudes that can be traced to a number of policies implemented in the late-Ottoman Empire.</p>


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Naseem Akhtar , Dr. Abdul Qadeer Khan

Afghan history evident mostly, war and battles, ranging from civil wars to international forces, Taliban came in power after the withdrawal of soviet forces. Destruction of world trade center proved way for US lead international forces to root Taliban, who were seated in Afghanistan and pushed them out of power, in 2001 this defeat could not be proved to be ultimate. Taliban insurgency caused a number of national and international concern for--- of the Taliban must ruined the women education and participation in all the sphere of life A number of international organization and NGOs examined the pathetic situation of female education in the country, this study emphasis and accessed the efforts of changing scenarios of powers and government and the center and context of Taliban and warriors groups .on the basis of the available result of interviews taken by the different international bodies found its roots in al-Qaeda. On different occasion and different instances were adopted by the Taliban about the implementation and interpretation of Islamic law previously, girls schooling. The facts found different view pointed many Taliban commander was not only their because of their religious extremes approaches but the tribal condition and restriction, contributed to intensified the situation despite on the effort of USA and allies, Taliban adopted the strategy to participate to government physical presence in the state. Wherever they got power. They prolonged the agitation by adopted the gorilla war.it completed the international forces to lose the patience China had it’s over strategy aiming at constitutional its boarder in the wakhan, ultimately the Taliban announce the Islamic emirate of Afghanistan after leaving number of US forces. A large number of Afghanis seeking refuge in different countries. Taliban could not so far achieving the confidence of their people which will rise new challenge for establishment of a strong state and sound government, while the long duration of wars destroyed the infrastructure completely


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (15) ◽  
pp. 75-85
Author(s):  
Engin UĞUR ◽  
Samed Ayhan ÖZSOY ◽  
Burçin TUNCAY

In many countries with a multi-party system, there are parties that have adopted socialist ideologies. These parties, which are in the category of left parties, generally advocate a strong state structure and the equal distribution of the opportunities of the country to all layers of the society. Although they have a large party structure to be an alternative to right-wing parties in some countries, they do not have a significant value in the eyes of the voters as a marginal party that appeals to a very small segment of the society in some countries. However, changing conditions and especially the failures of those in the administration cause socialist and similar parties to gain value in society as a hope. It is the general characteristic of socialist parties that they often take a serious stance against the populist party understanding. In addition, their weak point is that they prefer more traditional and economic methods instead of election campaigns where large expenditures are made because they do not receive support from large capital centers. A party that wants to struggle in today's multi-party structure has to do what is necessary in order not to fall behind the others. In particular, corporate identity structures that are not made by the professional team create an image that is well behind the day. Emblems and logos, which visually create a meaning and message for people and are perceived instead of the name of the party, are of great importance. Socialist parties' preference for classic logos with symbols that reveal their characteristic mentality constitutes a structure far behind today's modern graphic design product level. In the article, randomly selected socialist party logos from different countries of the world were analyzed within the framework of visual communication concepts. Analyzes are universal concepts that visual communication has produced under its own conditions from hundreds of years of experience. However, when these concepts are used with a critical structure, it is inevitable that there will be differences in evaluations according to personal perception differences.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mads Larsen

Scandinavian social democracy is increasingly upheld as an alternative that could reform capitalism. The Nordic Model produces income equality, low-conflict politics, and happy people. When half of young Americans express that they would prefer “socialism,” they generally mean to live in a society that provides for its citizens as the Nordics do. Such aspirations are complicated by how social democracy can be viewed as a secularized form of Lutheranism, the Protestant creed that the Nordic region embraced in the 16th century. Lutheran norms and values carried into the modern era and made possible social democracy's two distinguishing features: fascist corporatism and socialist redistribution. A strong state facilitates statist individualism, which empowers individuals vis-à-vis employers, parents, and spouses. The outcome could be cross-culturally salient, as it brings people closer to our species' fission-fusion baseline. Yet in the modern environment, only Nordics seem to have a cultural imaginary that makes compelling the politics that drive such high levels of both productivity and egalitarianism. The region's storytelling reflects this Lutheran past and is used to negotiate modern adaptations. A better understanding of social democracy could help prevent that demands for “socialism” motivate a turn to actual socialism.


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